Punjab Punch...History, Politics & Culture: November 2021

History of PPP as told by its socialist arm Sh Rashid (Extracts with comments)

The book was published by Jang Publishers & then reprinted by Jumhoori publications & it is an autobiography of a pre-partition political worker of the Punjab who worked in All India Muslim League, Azad Pakistan Party of great Mian Iftiqaruddin, formed Kisan committee in 1952 and finally landed with his huge experience and following in PPP in 1967. He was among those PPP founders who in-spite of many reservations did not left the party for once till his death. His book is an essential part not only of PPP history but also an integral part of People's history of Pakistan. His frank analysis of the party as well as leadership is an essert for all political class in Pakistan. Although the book needs editing and more apendices but even in current form it covered all important events with little courage.

Will try to add more extracts/comments and this post is the beginning

Extracts/comments

1-The story of 4 Mozang road is still missing in the Party that worked as first headquarter of the PPP before its formal birth at 30th November 1967, here you can read names of political workers like student leader Amanullah, Zafryab, Iftiqar Ahmad, Sadiq Maseh, Rozi Khan, Ahsanullah Khan, Abdus Sttar Najam, Yousaf Samdani, Parveen Asghar, Musrat Shaukat, Aslam Gurdaspuri, Shahid Jamal Ansari, Avais Peerzada, Ziauddin Butt, Mahmud Butt etc. Among them many were also work in left groups because after the split of NAP,(1966) left workers were also divided in many factions. Numerous left groups were created in that period yet a huge majority of left workers remained aloof or lost confidence from left leaders primarily due to Pro Moscow & Pro Chinese alien conflict & also due to fierce factionalism.

2- Birth of Party, in political centre of Pakistan & capital of the Punjab, Lhore. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the founder had no experience of people's politics yet he knew the mindset, priorities, weaknesses etc of power elite well. As a good reader he knew about people revolutions too. His father Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto was expelled from Sindh politics in mid 1930s along with Sir Abdullah Haroon. ZAB had started a new journey, from elite politics to People's politics. In elitiest Sind Club everyone knew ZAB well, he knew Sindhi elite including power brokers in Karachi too, but why he decided to form his party in the capital of the Punjab, Lhore? He had a close association with Karachi based communist leader Tufail Abbas as well as student leaders of Karachi NSF but he choose to winover Punjabis and due to his class base party policies Punjabis welcomed him unprecedentedly.

3- Formative Period. As Sheikh Rasheed was among the founders and in founders he was among the seniors so he used frank commentary about his leader and party comrades that made this book remarkable in many ways. Bhutto sahib made jokes for other people often yet if any of his close associate did same with him he made him a bad example. Author wrote unfortunate incidents of Ansari, amanullah & J A Raheem and linked it with feudal background of ZAB. Such constructive criticism is backbone in a democratic party and in-spite of all odds, for the author, ZAB was a great leader too. ZAB, Nusrat Bhutto & BB were fortunate to have such people around them. After resigning from the cabinet of Dictator Ayub Khan on the issue of misleading Tashkent Declaration (Jan 1966) (It was a big Uturn & Ayub neither took it in front of parliament or media before going to Tashkent.). After resignation ZAB wanted to involve people in the larger debate. For that purpose he either joined some party or formed his new party. NAP was the main progressive opposition party but in 1966 it was divided between pro moscow Wali group & Pro Chinese Bhashani group. Like Mian Iftiqaruddin, Mahmud Ali Qasori ZAB had also interest in making good relations with China but Pro US & Pro British lbies (Including Pro India) were against revolutionary China. In those circumstances ZAB finally agreed to form his new party and people like Sh Rasheed , Tufail Abbas etc advised him for making new party, it was a big challenge because no one knew when Ayub would fall. Why ZAB did not joined NAP Bhashani, is still an unexplored area although Hussain Naqi and Abid Hassan Manto had commented on it. Tashkent agreement was a smart move to sideline Kashmir issue yet ZAB exposed the dictator who was ready to compromise on Kashmir without even discussing. Opposing Tasgkent agreement was not an anti-India issue but it was a pro people issue. Sh Rasheed joined ZAB because he was among those 30 people from both East & West Pakistan who with Mian Iftiqaruddin had attended 3rd birthday celebrations in China in 1952 under the leadership of Peer Manki Sharief. It had Sheikh Mujeeb, Attaur rehman, Shaukat Hayat Khan, Mahmud Ali Qasori, Labour leader Mubarak Saghar and editor Mazhar Ali Khan like people too in it. One should keep in mind that in 1952, UN under US & European pressure had given veto power to exile selected govt & powerful section of our pro american cum pro British elite was against Red China. In his book Abdul Rauf Malik mentioned that a pamphlet was banned by State of Pakistan in favour of revolutionary China and it was published by CPP headquarter from Lhore few months before Chinese revolution. So these 30 people were pioneers who pushed the State to accept Red china. As par Sheikh Sahib narrative, it was he and some other progressive people who pressurised ZAB to include anti feudal agenda on top in the new party as a prime policy.

4- PPP in the Punjab P 144 & P149

5- Dahqan, the intellectual journey ... setting the agenda... Azad Kausari, Mian Ijazul Hassan, Professor group P 161

6- How Punjab turned the tables first time in the history of People's struggle in Pakistan and defeated the elite, Bhutto rightly won the Punjab on class question but his opponents especially from progressive circle declared it an Anti India victory. It was a defeatist analysis because exponents of Shaukat Islam (right wing pro Yahya group under JI) were fierce enemy of India, very vocal but Punjab rejected them in 1970 elections. Out of 82 seats, ZAB won 62 seats (more than 70%) in the Punjab. Majority of other 20 seats were from South Punjab big landlords. Central Punjab & GT road was almost 90% with PPP. Sh sahib too accepted that forgotten truth. We got central government just because of the support of the Punjab. But now a days, since last two decades, PPP herself is practically negating such history and ready to divide Punjab , her birth place. See P159 below

7- In Power, Land reforms was an important landmark like Generic names bill about medicine but later forgotten by the party under the pressure of WB like international power brokers. Even today instead of wasting time in power gimmicks, party can revive those policies keeping in view the new changes especially connectivity & globalization with reference to People's perspective.

The area where Sheikh Rashid had greater room to display his reformist zeal was his task to enforce the land reforms of 1972 in his capacity as chairman of the Land Commission. Exercising his suo motu powers, he went for the big landlords and forced them to yield vast tracts of land they had retained under one pretext or another. The target group included some PPP heavyweights. They received no quarter from the frail Sheikh and could not get his work undone till an authoritarian regime and an adulterated judicial system came to their rescue

8- Dr Mubashir Hassan, Aitzaz Ahsan, Sadiq Hussain Qureshi, Ramay, Mumtaz Bhutto, Jatoi, Laghari, Kausar Niazi and many insiders who ditch the party time and again as recorded by Sheikh Rashid, baba e Socialism. Why secular Wali Khan had joined Nizam e Mustafa movement against Bhutto and than after 5th July 1977 Marshallah, he demanded accountability from military dictator Gen Zia ... phalay ahtisab...pher intikhab is also recorded by the author.