Monday, August 31, 2015

Listen @ GSP Plus & Pakistan Politicians and Media should take it seriously


Recorded at August 31, Monday 2015 @ FM mast 103 Lhore Studio


Radio Program @ GSP Plus & Pakistan

Politicians and Media should take it seriously


From 4 to 6 pm only @ FM 103
Guests: Peter Jacob (Civil society activist), Iqbal haider Butt (Intellectual, Researcher), Mr Ayub (General Secretary Hozri association) Farooq Tariq (General Secretary AWP)

Listen and unlearn what is misleading in media and politics. Power brokers and Elite should understand why the situation is consistently out of control. The forces of evil are proactive , they neither like Gwadar, Pak Chna Economic Corridor nor GSP plus.  Why gods of informal economy are against any formal shift in Pakistani economy? Media and Parliament should revisit their priorities. Just think who is against trade between European Union and Pakistan?

LISTEN Here 


https://soundcloud.com/toto-riaz/gsp-and-pakistan-are-we-ready-listen-for-once


List of Conventions to qualify for 'GSP Plus'
1.    International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
2.     International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights
3.     International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
4.     Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
5.     Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment
6.     Convention on the Rights of the Child
7.     Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
8.     Minimum Age for Admission to Employment (N° 138)
9.     Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (N° 182)
10.  Abolition of Forced Labour Convention (N° 105)
11.  Forced Compulsory Labour Convention (N° 29)
12.  Equal Remuneration of Men and Women Workers for Work of Equal Value Convention (N° 100)
13.  Discrimination in Respect of Employment and Occupation Convention (N° 111)
14.  Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (N° 87)
15.  Application of the Principles of the Right to Organise and to Bargain Collectively. Convention (N° 98)
16.  International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid
17.  Montreal Protocol on Substancesthat deplete the Ozone Layer
18.  Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal
19.  Stockholm Convention on persistent Organic Pollutants
20.  Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species
21.  Convention on Biological Diversity
22.  Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety
23.  Kyoto Protocol to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change
24.  UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1961)
25.  UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances (1971)
26.  UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (1988)
227.   Mexico UN Convention Against Corruption

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Further Readings

Friday, August 28, 2015

Bilawal: Save Party from Brahmins (Now or Never)


Bilawal: Save Party from Brahmins

(Now or Never)

Who’s who in Anti-PPP campaign?, not only outside the Party but also inside it.

Non elected elite has inbuilt anti-people mindset and that is why they always have reservations not only against the biggest provinces (Before 1971 it was East Bengal and after 1971 it is the Punjab) but also not ready to give space in the political system to popular political parties working at federal level.  We had a long history of hierarchy based Caste System yet thousands year back, it was successfully challenged by Buddhists. When majority in South Asia adopted Buddhism then even Ashok, the powerful King had to follow it. Shudders or the low caste was the main force behind that Anti-Caste revolution. Indian historian Romela Tapper narrated that history well. Brahminical School, for time being accepted its defeat yet it cleverly included Gautam Budh as its 10th Avutar.  In that way they noy only misled Buddhist teachings but also started a purge against them. Finally Buddhism was destroyed from the region where it was born. PPP is facing similar situation and now-a-days it is helpless in the Punjab where it was born in late 1960s. Like Bhuddists, the main force behind PPP was Lower classes and in the eyes of non elected elite or Brahmins it is a big crime.
Challenge is very big but Bilawal has to revisit post BB politics of PPP.  Like Bhutto, Benazir and Zardari, he should make his own team and be-aware from Uncles.  Question of revival of the Party in the Punjab is vital but if Sindh Government and Sindh chapter of PPP failed to deliver till 2018 it will be more damaging. Party’s position in KPK, Baluchistan and Kashmir including GB is not very good so it is essential for all three kids of BB to have a comprehensive policy and strategy.

PPP is at its minimum level and now either the Party will finish or move upwards. It is question of “Now or Never”.  27 months back, I wrote a piece regarding PPP and this current article is in its continuity.
The link of previous article is also there in the end.

Now read the complete article published in weekly Humshehri at



Some Extracts

2018کا انتخاب پی پی پی کی بقاء کا انتخاب ہے کہ شاید کچھ قوتیں اسی لیے ان انتخابات کو2018سے قبل کروانے کی مہم کو تیز کرنا چاہتی ہیں۔ زرداری صاحب اپنی’’باری‘‘ لے چکے کہ اس میں18ویں ترمیم سمیت بہت سے مثبت اقدامات بھی ہیں اور لاتعداد گھاٹے بھی کہ اب انہیں محض وہ کردار ادا کرنا چاہیے جو1986کے بعد بیگم نصرت بھٹو ادا کرتی رہیں۔ قبات میں دوئی(Duality) پی پی پی کی مشکلات میں اضافہ کا سبب ہی بنے گی۔ یہ بات بھی اہم ہے کہ ہر نیا لیڈر اپنی ٹیم خود بناتا ہے۔ یہی کام محترمہ نے بھی کیا تھا اور خود زرداری صاحب نے بھی کہ اب بلاول کی باری پر اس روایت سے انکار کیوں؟ پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی اب اس مقام سے نیچے نہیں جاسکتی کہ اب اس کو یا تو ختم ہونا ہے یا پھر اوپر جانا ہے۔ یہ فیصلہ بے نظیر کی اولاد کے ہاتھ میں ہے اور کارکن ان کے منتظر ہیں۔ 

بلاول بھٹو… پیپلزپارٹی کو براہمنوں سے بچاؤ

اپنی جنم بھومی سے دیس نکالا ملنے سے اذیت ناک سزا کیا ہوسکتی ہے؟ یہ تو وہی جانتے ہیں جن پر بیتی ہے؟ ڈیڑھ ہزار سال قبل ہشیار براہمنوں نے ذات پات کو چیلنج کرنے والے بدھ مت کو کچھ ایسی ہی سزا دی تھی۔ یوں لگتا ہے نئے براہمنوں نے یہی سزا پیپلز پارٹی کو دینے کی 
قسم اْٹھارکھی ہے۔ کیا بلاول بھٹو پارٹی کو اس ’’کھوبہ ‘‘سے نکال سکیں گے؟

مہاتما گوتم بدھ نیپال اور انڈیا کی سرحد کے پاس623قبل مسیح میں پیداہوئے تھے اور دیکھتے ہی دیکھتے انھوں نے پورے جنوبی ایشیا میں براہمنوں کوناکوں چنے چبوا ڈالے تھے۔ بدھ مت اختیار کرنے والوں میں’’ شودر ‘‘پیش پیش تھے کہ براہمن تو انہیں انسان بھی نہیں مانتے تھے۔ بدھ مت کا بول بالا ہوا تو اشوک جیسا بااختیار بادشاہ بھی بدھ مت کا پیروکار بن گیا۔ ہشیار براہمنوں کو راج نیتی کا گہرا تجربہ تھا کہ انھوں نے بغل میں چھری چھپاڈالی اور مہاتما گوتم  
بدھ کو ہندومت کا ’’دسواں اورتار‘‘مان لیا۔ اب براہمن گوتم بدھ 
کا نام تو ’’جپنے‘‘ لگے مگر بدھ مت کے پیروکاروں کے سخت خلاف رہے۔ مشہور بھارتی تاریخ دان رومیلا تھا پرکے بقول چوتھی اور پانچویں صدیوں میں200 سال تک براہمن بدھ مت والوں کا قتلام کرتے رہے۔ ایک طرف انھوں نے مہاتما بدھ کی تعلیمات بارے گمراہ کن تشریحات کیں تو دوسری طرف بدھ مت والوں کو ہندسندھ میں ختم کرڈالا۔ باخبر پنڈت نہرو نے اپنی معرکتہ الآراء کتب میں اس قتلام بارے اک حرف بھی نہ لکھا۔
اپنی پیپلزپارٹی کو بھی آج کل کچھ ایسے براہمنوں ہی سے پالا پڑا ہوا ہے۔ پیپلز پارٹی صوبہ پنجاب کے دل لاہور میں پیداہوئی کہ 1970کے انتخابات میں پنجاب اورپنجابیوں نے اسے وہ فقیدالمثال کامیابی دی کہ براہمنوں کو بادل نخواستہ اقتدار بھٹو صاحب کے حوالہ کرنا پڑگیا۔ ماضی کی طرح شودروں نے ایک دفعہ پھر بڑھ چڑھ کر پیپلز پارٹی کا ساتھ دیا۔ بھلا یہ بات براہمنوں کو کیسے ہضم ہوسکتی تھی۔ کچھ براہمن تو1972ہی سے پیپلز پارٹی میں شامل ہوگئے کہ اسے اندر سے زک پہنچائیں تو بہت سے براہمن پیپلز پارٹی سے بیر رکھنے والے ’’مجموعہ اضداد ‘‘کو اکٹھا کرنے میں رجھ گئے۔ فیصلہ وہی ہوا جو براہمنوں نے ماضی میں کیاتھا کہ براہمنوں کو چیلنج کرنے والوں کو ایسا نشان عبرت بنایا جائے جس کے بعد ان سے اپنے بھی بدظن ہوجائیں اور یہ اپنی جنم بھومی ہی میں تارکین وطن بن جائے۔ پہلا ٹارگٹ بھٹو صاحب کی منتخب سرکار کا خاتمہ تھا جبکہ دوسرا اور اہم ٹارگٹ پیپلز پارٹی کو پنجاب سے نکالنا تھا۔ پہلا ٹارگٹ سیکولر قوم پرستوں اور مذہبی جماعتوں نے ضیاالحق کے ساتھ مل کر حاصل کرلیا۔ اب ضیاشاہی میں پیپلز پارٹی کو پنجاب میں ختم کرنے کے ایجنڈے کو تیز کردیاگیا۔ 

Previous Article 
http://punjabpunch.blogspot.com/2013/05/will-ppp-revive-in-future.html?q=PPP&view=flipcard



Monday, August 24, 2015

Listen: Discussion Language Policy & Politics and Implementation of article 251






Listen: Discussion Language Policy & Politics and

 Implementation of article 251

(Radio Program Lok Lhar 7)

Gul Baat: Khalid Mahmood(Nain Sukh), Zubair Ahmad, 

Mushtaq Sofi, Abid Saqi Bhatti, Dr Farukh Khan


Parliament should define Role of Urdu, English and Pakistani mother tongues.
Monday 24 August 2015 @ FM 103 From 4 to 6 pm
Points under discussion

1. Need to delink Languages from Prides and Prejudices
2. What is the role of English in Pakistan
3. What is the role of Urdu in Pakistan
4. What is the role of Pakistani Mother Tongues in Pakistan
5. Can Supreme Court help Parliament to form a Pro people language Policy in Pakistan
6. What was the colonial language policy
7. Why after 1947 Ambeadkar rejected 1920 resolution of Congress to form provinces with respect to Languages
8. How Dar Commission helped Indian parliament to develop a language policy
9. What Fazul Rahman, First Education Minister said in favor of Pakistani mother tongues
10. Were Jinnah and Iqbal against mother tongues
11. Pedagogically Speaking; Can we achieve 100% literacy without mother tongues
12. Can Pakistan fulfill her international commitments regarding MDGs without accepting linguistic diversity of Pakistan especially in education? 
13. Will infighting among Urdu, English and Pakistani mother tongues strengthen Pakistan 

LIsten here






Faruukh, Afzal, Aamir
Zubair and Nain Sukh at FM 103 Lhore Studio






Sunday, August 23, 2015

Parliament should define Role of Urdu, English and Pakistani mother tongues.


Lok Lhar 7: A Radio Program

Will be on air at 24 August 2015 Monday @ FM 103 Radio (www.mastfm103.com) and will be available in recorded form at this Blog after 24th August. 

Parliament should define Role of Urdu, English and Pakistani mother tongues.
Let us discuss at Monday 24 August 2015 @ FM 103 From 4 to 6 pm
Gul Baat, Khalid Mahmood Nain Sukh, Zubair Ahmad, Mushtaq Sofi, Abid Saqi Bhatti, Dr Farukh Khan

In this program we will try to discuss 

1. Need to delink Languages from Prides and Prejudices
2. What is the role of English in Pakistan
3. What is the role of Urdu in Pakistan
4. What is the role of Pakistani Mother Tongues in Pakistan
5. Can Supreme Court help Parliament to form a Pro people language Policy in Pakistan
6. What was the colonial language policy
7. Why after 1947 Ambeadkar rejected 1920 resolution of Congress to form provinces with respect to Languages
8. How Dar Commission helped Indian parliament to develop a language policy
9. What Fazul Rahman, First Education Minister said in favor of Pakistani mother tongues
10. Were Jinnah and Iqbal against mother tongues
11. Pedagogically Speaking; Can we achieve 100% literacy without mother tongues
12. Can Pakistan fulfill her international commitments regarding MDGs without accepting linguistic diversity of Pakistan especially in education? 
13. Will infighting among Urdu, English and Pakistani mother tongues strengthen Pakistan 
We will try to address many more questions and will also try to take your calls.

Saturday, August 22, 2015

Pakistan:Tackling hate speech Rethinking about Youth (Part 2)


Tackling hate speech

Rethinking about Youth (Part 2)

Prejudiced generalisations about communities is a dangerous trend often found not only in textbooks but also in popular literature and in many ways it plays an important role in the making of a biased mindset among students. For example, Hindus are clever people, Jews are conspirators, rural and tribal people are ignorant, girls are domestic spices and women have less muscular power than men.
The survey shows that though young people have heard of hate speech and many have confronted it too, they are not well-prepared to handle it
Read complete article @
In early 1990s, I unsuccessfully tried to become a lawyer and we were taught a subject of Tort in our first academic year. A tort, in common law jurisdictions, is a civil wrong that unfairly causes someone else to suffer loss or harm resulting in legal liability for the person who commits the tortuous act, called a tortfeasor. In the first lecture, our teacher of Tort, after giving details of the subject, gave a discouraging statement and said that law of tort is not applicable in Pakistan.
I am not an expert in law yet after mapping the flux of hate speech from textbooks, I can understand the teacher was right. No doubt a remedy for hate speech is in the law of tort, but due to the absence of a proper law our courts are flooded with defamation cases. Everyone knows that there is no harm in using hate speech in Pakistan. That is why it encourages provocateurs to use hate speech as a weapon against opponents. There are some other laws against hate speech but their implementation is questionable too.
Last week, I shared the results of a study “Hate Speech on Mass and Social Media in Pakistan 2015” published by Bargad. According to the report, 91.2 per cent students believed that they were familiar with the concept of hate speech and 59.2 per cent believed that hate speech is more prevalent on social media than other forums. Yet more than 80 per cent students have no knowledge of any law regarding hate speech in Pakistan. We are ready to use youth in politics and for this purpose our politicians are playing with their ego, but no one is ready to engage them through informed resistance at all.
The students surveyed did not seem to believe that school textbooks were important at all in driving hate speech in Pakistan. Although in the recommendations Bargad rightly emphasised on the importance of unbiased textbooks, understanding of youngsters clearly shows how unaware they are about the relevant laws and the root-causes of hate speech.
I can reproduce numerous sentences and pictures from textbooks based on intolerance against rural life, women and non-Muslims. I studied in Don Bosco High School, Lahore, from 1971 till 1980. Till matriculation, I did not know about the sects of my class fellows. But today school students not only know it but also discuss it too.
Ethnic and linguistic biases play equal role in spreading hate speech, according to the report. The alarming revelation is about the role of teachers and seniors who play a very negative role. More than 55 per cent students said they have experienced hate speech from their friends and superiors.
The point I want to stress is the presence of illusion of freedom and power among youngsters. They are victim of their over-confidence. Though they claim they know hate speech, they neither know about any law nor they can understand sources of intolerance and biases.
The worst form of slavery is mental slavery which gives you the illusion of freedom, makes you trust, love and defend your oppressor while making an enemy of those who are trying to free you or open your eyes.
More than 85 per cent students expressed ignorance about the terms of Section 153A of the Pakistan Telecommunications Act of 1996. These students are studying in higher education in 34 different disciplines. They will enter practical life after two or three years and will possess important seats in different public or private institutions. They will carry that mindset and will protect it too.
Prejudiced generalisations about communities is a dangerous trend often found not only in textbooks but also in popular literature and in many ways it plays an important role in the making of a biased mindset among students. For example, Hindus are clever people, Jews are conspirators, rural and tribal people are ignorant, girls are domestic spices and women have less muscular power than men.
The survey shows that though young people have heard of hate speech and many have confronted it too, they are not well-prepared to handle it. More than 50 per cent claim they have not encountered any form of hate speech in any form of media, while 15 per cent respondents were undecided on the matter.
How to tackle and respond to hate speech is an important part of the survey, but here students’ response was comparatively very poor. Positively speaking, the youth want to take advantage of their demographic power, but the vital next step is to ensure an environment that enables them to achieve this desire. If they are not well-prepared and well-informed, this whole exercise will be futile. Authors of the report have proposed three key practical recommendations:
The first recommendation is to ensure that there exists tighter legislation regarding definitions and designations of hate speech. While there exist many definitions for hate speech in the Pakistani legal system, they are intensely malleable and can be manipulated to ensure that forms of hate speech are considered legitimate speech. Primarily, this is based on intention and on loose definitions of public order. Tighter legislation ensures a smoother pathway for the prosecution of those who carry out and propagate hate speech and incite violence both on social as well as mainstream print and online media.
The second recommendation is to ensure that young people are aware of legislation regarding hate speech in the Pakistani legal system. The youth must also be encouraged to act on these forms of legislation. As the third section of the survey demonstrated, the number of students who are aware of anti-hate speech laws is very low. In order to effectively tackle hate speech, those who are affected by it must be made aware of the rights that they possess against people who perpetuate hate speech. This can be done by way of public campaigns, training sessions, orientations and distributing of pamphlets.
The third recommendation is to follow the advice issued directly by students that partook in this survey. Children should be taught more about the nature of hate speech and how to identify it from a young age. This would involve sections on hate speech and its consequences in the educational curriculum, as well teaching children how to differentiate between legitimate criticisms and hate speech. While most students stated that they were aware of the concept of hate speech, many did not feel it to be relevant to their personal lives. Providing children with a stronger ability to identify hate speech will strengthen their abilities to counter it and use spaces to promote more peaceful narratives, which are needed for the development of youth in Pakistan.
Part 1
http://punjabpunch.blogspot.com/2015/08/hate-speech-pakistani-youth-de.html

END OF STATE SPONSERED MEDIA? “bury the BBC that we love”


END OF STATE SPONSERED MEDIA?

“bury the BBC that we love”



In past BBC was vital dependable source of news in subcontinent but private channels replaced its position in 21st century both in India and Pakistan. From 1923 the BBC is running under Royal charter and its estimated annual budget is 5 to 8 million pounds.  A G Norani wrote the story “BBC in Crisi” yet from the misleading story of the death of Subhash Chandar Bose in 1943, Fall of Lhore Story during Pak India war of 1965 till recent Mushahid Ullah interview editorial twists are also in her credit. The age of Party Papers and State Media is over so now Nation States should invest in media regulations.  It is good for journalists and press freedom provided they can create a balance through legislations among owners. Advertisers and press freedom. It is not important that the shrinking Empire will save it or not but major question is Changing Media Realities in 21st century. Using Media as a sword arm of Nation State is in direct conflict with Press freedom under Globalization. Read what Norani wrote and think what he failed to pinpoint. 

BBC in crisis

Last month, Whittingdale presented a Green Paper to parliament proposing the BBC should become smaller and less competitive and other drastic “reforms”.
The Green Paper is a consultation paper by which the government solicits public opinion before it decides a major policy issue. No conclusions are given; only the options are set out. But, while doing so, the government barely conceals its own intentions.
The Conservatives had campaigned long against what they called a leftist bias in the BBC and Whittingdale himself earned notoriety as its staunch critic.
The crisis is not without lessons for similar institutions elsewhere especially in South Asia. All over the world, the public broadcaster enjoys a certain prestige and also incurs suspicion of subservience to the government of the day. True, the BBC’s record is not unblemished; whether on bias, accuracy, credibility or taste. But its achievements and reputation far outweigh those lapses.
The BBC operates under a royal charter which invests it with a juridical personality, as well as a licence and an agreement with the minister concerned. Both are subject to renewal every 10 years. This gives the government of the day a powerful weapon. Such arrangements cannot exist in a vacuum. They rest on the support of public opinion. Hence the consultation paper.
Almost unique to the BBC is the application of the concept of trusteeship. The director general is a powerful figure as chairman of a board of management; CEO as well as editor-in-chief. But above him are the governors.
The Annan report on the Future of Broadcasting described them as “the trustees of the public interest, and therefore they cannot, or should not, identify themselves too closely with the day-to-day decisions taken in the corporation or they would never be able to call for a change of policy in the public interest. But they are also the board of the corporation itself and have the final responsibility for the management of the BBC.”
The importance of this institution cannot be overstated. The governors protect the DG from public pressure but also pull him up for flaws. They are a guarantee of autonomy.
The report added: “The governors have to ensure that the BBC’s services are conducted in the general public interest. They must candidly tell the professional broadcasters why they agree with certain public criticisms.
“At the same time, they have to defend the broadcasters from pressure groups who want to use the BBC services to further their own aims and to tell the public, and indeed the government, why they are not prepared to interfere with the editorial independence of the broadcasters or admonish them when they have been exercising their editorial freedom responsibly. There can therefore be no doubt who takes the strategic decisions on the BBC’s policies. The buck stops at the governors.”
In January 2007, the governors were replaced with trustees proper in a trust.
In 1977, after the Emergency was lifted the government of India set up a working group on broadcasting and TV headed by the late B.G. Verghese. This writer was a member. Its report recommended that the trusteeship concept be adopted. It was rejected by the minister for information and broadcasting, L.K. Advani.
India enacted a tepid version in the Prasar Bharati Act 1990. But it was brought into force only in 1997.
What is lacking is a political culture in which autonomy is respected. In 1985, one minister boas­ted: “If I want to interfere I can interfere in an autonomous corporation.” He was not wrong as experience since has dem­o­n­strated.
Therein lies the relevance of the BBC model and the crisis which has beset it. The Tories have distrusted it for long because of its role during the Suez and Falkland wars.
Margaret Thatcher said in the House of Commons in 1982 that “there are times when it seems that we and the Argentines are being treated almost as equals”. Richard Francis, MD of BBC Radio, responded: “The BBC needs no lessons in patriotism.”
All this is now under threat. Whittingdale would review as to how the BBC is financed, its output and if tougher oversight is required by a new regulatory body, replacing the much-criticised BBC Trust. The BBC said in a statement it would fight them, as “a creative and economic powerhouse for Britain”.
The Green Paper, the BBC said, “would appear to herald a much diminished, less popular BBC. That would be bad for Britain and would not be the BBC that the public has known and loved for over 90 years”.
The writer is an author and a lawyer based in Mumbai.
Published in Dawn, August 22nd, 2015

Friday, August 21, 2015

Myth of Suicide Attacks:International Rivalries, Power Politics, Anti-Democracy mindset and Informal Economy

Myth of Suicide Attacks

International Rivalries, Power Politics, 

Anti-Democracy mindset and Informal Economy

According to claims handlers and planners of suicide attacks are deadly against Britain and US yet from 2005 till now their areas of attack are Somalia, Israel, Palestine, Afghanistan and Pakistan type countries. Although there is a hue and cry against Suicide acts yet construction of sentences, selection of words while reporting shows praise for it. It is often said that no one can stop a suicide bomber. As par data, since 2005 involvement of Islamist groups increased yet it does not permit us to forget role of international rivalries. Those who read Sedition Commission Report 1917 knew how German and Britain secret services were using Hindu Nationalism against each other.  The report called it German Hindu Conspiracy.
Other than international rivalries one should also deconstruct the myth of suicide attacks by understanding local politics and selection of suicide bombers. In many cases supporters of such attacks always try to hide behind poverty and religion. But in fact they are deadly against democratic values.
“A recently published paper by Harvard University Professor of Public Policy Alberto Abadie "cast[s] doubt on the widely held belief that terrorism stems from poverty, finding instead that terrorist violence is related to a nation's level of political freedom."[103] More specifically this is due to the transition of countries towards democratic freedoms. "Intermediate levels of political freedom are often experienced during times of political transitions, when governments are weak, political instability is elevated, so conditions are favorable for the appearance of terrorism
“A study of the remains of 110 suicide bombers for the first part of 2007 by Afghan pathologist Dr. Yusef Yadgari, found 80% were missing limbs before the blasts, other suffered from cancer, leprosy, or some other ailments
The case of Pakistan is more complex as other than anti-democratic forces we have huge chunk of informal economy largely dependent on open borders at Sea and Land trade routes. Without transforming FATA into settle area it is impossible to weak economy of terrorism. Read and unlearn


پاکستان کے سب سے بڑے صوبہ اور طاقت کے اہم ترین مرکز پنجاب کے وزیر داخلہ اور سابق فوجی کرنل(ر) شجاع خانزادہ کی اٹک خودکش حملہ میں شہادت نے ایک بار پھر وہی سوال دوبارہ سامنے لا کھڑا کیا ہے کہ آخرہم خودکش حملوں سے کیسے جان چھڑا سکتے ہیں؟ آخر یہ خودکش حملے صومالیہ، اسرائیل، سری لنکا، پاکستان، افغانستان، فلسطین اور عراق جیسے ممالک ہی میں کیوں ہوتے ہیں؟ بظاہران خودکش بمباروں کو تیاراور ان حملوں کی منصوبہ بندی کرنے والے امریکہ، برطانیہ کے شدید مخالف ہیں مگر امریکہ، برطانیہ میں تو یہ جانباز خودکش حملے نہیں کرسکتے ؟ آخرامریکہ ،برطانیہ کے پاس کو نسی’’ گدڑسنگھی‘‘ ہے؟ کہ خود کش وہاں پہنچ ہی نہیں سکتے یا پھر خودکش بنائے ہی مخصوص ممالک کے لیے ہیں۔ خودکش حملوں بارے کم از کم ہمارے میڈیا پر جب بھی خبر چلتی ہے تو اس میں خودکش بمباروں کو روکنے کے عزم سے زیادہ بے بسی اور عظمتوں کا ذکر زیادہ تواتر سے ہوتا ہے۔ جملوں کی ترتیب ، الفاظ کے چناؤ اور مخصوص نقطہ نظر سے جوڑ کر جس طرح خبر بنائی جاتی ہے وہ کچھ اور چغلی کھارہی ہوتی ہے۔ دہشت گردوں اور بمباروں پر تنقید کرتے ہوئے بھی مخصوص ہشیاری و چالاکی کے ساتھ اس عمل کو’’ ناقابل شکست‘‘ قرار دینے کے پیچھے کیا مقاصد ہیں انہیں سمجھنا کوئی انہونی بات نہیں۔ اکثر دانشور اور اینکریہ کہتے نظر آتے ہیں کہ ہم ان حملوں کو نہیں روک سکتے۔ کچھ خودکش حملوں کو حسن بن صبا سے جوڑتے ہیں تو کچھ جاپانی خودکش پائلٹوں کی دوسری جنگ عظیم والی کہانی سناتے ہیں مگر اب ایک دہائی سے کتابوں، تحقیقی مضمونوں اورخصوصا خودکش حملوں کے پیچھے’’جذبہ ایمانی‘‘ کا ذکرخاصہ بڑھ گیا ہے۔ اگر خودکش حملوں سے متعلق اعداد و شمار نکالے جائیں تو صاف معلوم ہوتا ہے کہ ان میں تیزیاں2005کے بعد عراق جنگ کے دوران آئیں۔ جارج بش اور ٹونی بلیر اپنی اپنی کتب میں یہ بات کرچکے ہیں کہ دہشت گردی مخالف مہموں کا رخ افغانستان سے عراق کی طرف موڑنے پر امریکہ و برطانیہ’’ایک صفحہ‘‘ پر نہیں تھے۔ تاحال ماہرین اس بارے میں اتفاق نہیں رکھتے کہ خودکش بمبار صرف’’ جذبہ ایمانی‘‘ کے تحت یہ کام سرانجام دیتے ہیں۔ سری لنکا کے تاملوں اور جاپانی پائلٹوں میں سے تو کوئی مسلمان نہیں تھا جبکہ ان کی کاروائیوں کا محرک مذہب یا فرقہ کی بجائے قوم پرستی تھا۔ البتہ2005کے بعد خودکش حملوں میں جو تیزیاں آئیں ہیں ان میں’’ اسلامی شدت پسندی‘‘ کا عنصر نمایاں رہا ہے۔ اسلامی شدت پسندی کے عنصر کے نمایاں ہونے کا یہ مطلب ہر گز نہیں کہ ان بمباروں کو کوئی بین الاقوامی خفیہ ادارے استعمال نہیں کررہے۔ اگر آپ میں سے کسی نے1917میں چھپنے والے سیڈیشن کمشن رپورٹ پڑھی ہوتو اسے اندازہ ہوجائے گا کہ1905میں ہونے والی تقسیم بنگال سے 1914میں شروع ہونے والی پہلی جنگ عظیم کے دوران ہونے والی شدّت پسند کاروائیوں میں جرمنی اور برطانیہ کے خفیہ ادارے’’ بنیاد پرست ہندو و قوم پرستی‘‘ کو ایک دوسرے کے خلاف برٹش انڈیا میں بخوبی استعمال کرتے رہے تھے۔
مذہب اور قوم پرستی کو کھلی اور خفیہ جنگوں میں بطور ہتھیار استعمال کرنے کی روایت تو بہت پرانی ہے اور اس کی مثال دنیا کے ہر حصّہ اور ہر مذہب یا فرقہ سے دی جاسکتی ہیں۔ مگر اصل سوال تو ان کاروائیوں کے پیچھے متحرک قوتوں کے معاشی مفادات کا ہوتا ہے کہ ان تک پہنچنے کے لیے بہت پاپڑ بیلنے پڑتے ہیں۔ سڈیشن رپورٹ کے مصنفین نے بڑی مہارتوں سے کہانی بنائی اور سلطنت برطانیہ کے خلاف کی جانے والی کاروائیوں کو’’جرمن ہندو‘‘ سازش کا خطاب دیا۔ ایسا لکھتے ہوئے ہشیار مصنفین نے برطانیہ کے خفیہ اداروں کی مہموں کا ذکر بڑی آسانی سے گول کردیا ۔ اعداد وشمار یہ بھی بتاتے ہیں کہ خودکش بمباروں میں عورتیں اور بچے بھی شامل ہوتے ہیں اور مرد بھی تاہم ان میں مشترک بات یہ ہوتی ہے کہ خودکش بمبار کسی نہ کسی شدید جسمانی و ذہنی معذوری کا شکار ضرور ہوتے ہیں۔ خودکش حملوں اور دہشت گردی بارے تحقیق کرنے والے شکاگو پرا جیکٹ کے ڈئریکٹر رابرٹ پیپ(Pape)نے اک افغان پتھالوجسٹ کے حوالہ سے بتایا ہے کہ2007 میں افغانستان میں ہونے والی%80خودکش حملوں میں استعمال ہونے والا بمبار پہلے سے معذور تھے۔ ہمارے ہاں تو معذوروں کو معاشرے کا حصّہ بننے سے روکنے کے حوالہ سے بہت سے کام ہوتے ہیں۔ اس حوالہ سے ہمیں زیادہ موثر پالیسی کی ضرورت ہے مگر دہشت گرد مخالف مہم میں تاحال اس پہلو پرتو بہت کم کام ہوا ہے۔ ہاورڈ یونیورسٹی کے پبلک پالیسی کے پروفیسر نے اپنے حالیہ تحقیقی کام میں یہ بھی بتایا ہے کہ دہشت گردی اور خودکش حملوں کی منصوبہ بندی کرنے والوں کی اکثریت جمہوریت مخالف ذہنی رجحانات رکھتی ہے۔ ہاورڈ یونیورسٹی کے پروفیسر البر ٹو عبادی نے مشہور امریکی یونیورسٹی ایم آئی ٹی سے معاشیات میں پی ایچ ڈی کی ہوئی ہے۔ ان کے تحقیقی مقالہ کا عنوان ’’غربت، سیاسی آزادی اور دہشت گردی کی بنیادیں‘‘ہے اور یہ انٹرنیٹ پر دستیاب ہے۔ 2008 میں چھپنے والے اس مضمون کو ہمارے پالیسی سازوں اور دفاعی ماہرین کو ضرور مدنظر رکھنا چاہیے۔ یوں خودکش حملوں اور دہشت گردی کا گہرا تعلق سیاست سے ہے مگر خودکش حملوں کے منصوبہ ساز خودکو مقبول عام کرنے کے لیے کبھی مذہب اورکبھی غربت کی آڑ لیتے ہیں۔ حال ہی میں صفورا چورنگی میں ہونے والے واقعہ میں کراچی کے سب سے بڑے تعلیمی ادارے کے اعلیٰ تعلیم یافتہ طالب علموں کی موجودگی یہ بات ثابت کرتی ہے کہ اصل مسئلہ سیاست ہی سے جڑا ہوا ہے۔ جمہوریت مخالف اسلام کی آڑ لیتے ہیں۔ہمارے ہاں تو جمہوریت کے خلاف ہر روز پروگرام ہوتے ہیں اور بڑے بڑے دانشورٹی وی چینلوں پر جمہوریت اور سیاستدانوں کے خلاف ایسے - 

Saturday, August 15, 2015

Hate speech & Pakistani Youth: De-constructing myths



The above stated results are enough to de-construct some prevalent myths regarding the root-causes of extremism in Pakistan, especially with reference to youth.

Media and hate speech

A study mapping the impact of hate speech on the mindset and perception of Pakistani youth

I found many biases and misleading sentences based on prejudice in the name of religion, sect, language, culture and gender when I did content analysis of school textbooks of Pakistan published under the curriculums of 2002 and 2006. I also carried out two separate studies in the years 2010 and 2014 respectively. In both studies, I had to read textbooks of five subjects: Urdu, English, History/Social Studies/Pakistan studies, Islamiat, and Ethics (books for non-Muslim Pakistanis published under the 2009 education policy).
Textbooks prepared under the 2006 curriculum were published quite late till 2011. In many ways, these books were comparatively better than the textbooks published under the 2002 curriculum. But hate speech and misleading pictures remain part of public school textbooks even today.
As I went through 12 major policy documents related to education since 1947 published by the government of Pakistan, including the last education policy (Education Policy 2009), I found linkages of hate and biases between the policy and the end product — textbooks.
Keeping this background in mind, I recently read a report titled “Hate Speech on Mass and Social Media in Pakistan 2015” that “aims to explain and analyse anonymous and confidential information on youth experiences and perceptions with regards to hate speech in local media.” This study relates to experiences about both social and mainstream print and electronic media. Due to the wider nature of this project, it is important to understand the way hate speech is spread and perceived, since it is one of the drivers of extremist rhetoric in the country, especially when a majority of youth are exposed to the often unsubstantiated opinion that exists within the country.
“Youth bulge” is a latest term in Pakistan. Emphasising on youth is common in politics too yet the multi-million question is how to study trends, shades and priorities of Pakistani young people. Are they familiar with the concept of hate speech? Are they aware of any legislation that exists regarding hate speech in Pakistan? Can they identify different shades of hate speech — urban, cultural, ethnic, religious, sub-religious or sectarian etc?
A Gujranwala-based civil society organisation, Bargad, carried out the study in collaboration with the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) as part of their efforts to tackle extremism in Pakistan. The study should be considered as a beginning of efforts to understand youth. It covers literate youth studying in fourteen public and private Pakistani universities across the Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Azad Jammu and Kashmir. It includes three private and 11 public universities. Although the sample is not very large but one can have an idea what is cooking up in the minds of future planners.
As Bargad has presence in almost all public and private universities, it must expand the study, with the help of HEC, to Gilgit Baltistan, Sindh, and Balochistan along with private universities so that Pakistanis should know about the ground realities.
Some of the 18 questions asked were: Are you familiar with the concept of hate speech? Have you ever encountered hate speech on either social or mainstream media? For what reason do you believe you were the target? Are you aware of any legislation that exists regarding hate speech in Pakistan? What is the age group most responsible for hate speech on traditional media?
The results are: 91.2 per cent students said they were familiar with the concept of hate speech. 51.2 per cent viewed that they have been the target of hate speech. 15.2 per cent believed that they were the victims of hate speech due to their religion. The same number said this about ethnicity and language, while 4 per cent students said they were victimised for their gender. 20.8 per cent believed that they have been targeted for their opinions. 34.4 per cent said they encountered hate speech on social or mainstream print and online media. 52 per cent said they did not face hate speech and 13.6 per cent were unsure. 27.2 per cent said they faced hate speech from their friends and peers while 16 per cent experienced it within family and 28 per cent from superiors. 59.2 per cent believed that hate speech is more prevalent on social media than other forums. 45.7 per cent believed the 21-30 year old age group to be the most responsible for hate speech on social media. 81.7 per cent students claimed to not be aware of any laws regarding hate speech that exist in Pakistan.
I will reserve my detailed analysis for the next article but the above stated results are enough to deconstruct some prevalent myths regarding the root-causes of extremism in Pakistan, especially with reference to youth. Although more than 50 per cent students said they have been the target of hate speech, the percentage of victims of hate speech due to religion and ethnicity, including languages, is 15.2 per cent each. The 20.8 per cent students who believed that have been targeted for their opinions remind us the importance of academic freedom which is absent in our higher education institutions.
In the light of this result, we will have to address the issue of hate speech not only with respect to religion and sect but also with respect to language and ethnicity.
The issue of social media is also very complex. Almost 60 per cent students believed that hate speech is more prevalent on social media. On the contrary, the trend to take stories from social media is increasing day by day in the print and electronic media. Are we ready to map the fatal impacts of this new editor-less media?
The report rightly recommends tighter legislation regarding definitions and designations of hate speech. It also recommends that children should be taught more about the nature of hate speech and how to identify it from a young age. This would involve sections on hate speech and its consequences in the educational curriculum as well as teaching children how to differentiate between legitimate criticism and hate speech. Schoolteachers and journalists always play an important role in this regard but both are absent from the debate of tackling extremism.
(To be concluded)

Barah Mah & story of Punjabi magazines in Pakistan (A radio prog)

  Barah Mah & story of Punjabi magazines in Pakistan (A radio prog) The struggle for the Punjabi language, its literature, folk & m...