March 29: Black Day & misleading history spread by colonial rulers & apologists

March 29Black Day & misleading historyspread by colonial rulers & apologists 

Link of article published in Dawn urdu blog

https://www.dawnnews.tv/news/1075906/jab-angrez-azad-punjab-par-qabiz-hua-amir-riaz-aa

Link of Punjabi Article published at Wichaar.com
http://www.wichaar.com/news/117/ARTICLE/33934/2018-03-29.html

تجھے یاد ہو کہ نہ یاد ہو

29مارچ، پنجاب ،ہندوستان اورانگریز

عامر ریاض

پچھلے 418 سالوں سے پنجابی مارچ کا آخری ہفتہ بڑی شان سے میلہ چراغاں کے نام سے مناتے ہیں کہ مادھو لال حسین(شاہ حسین لہوری) اپنے لازوال کلام کے ذریعے پنجابیوں اور غیر پنجابیوں میں یکساں مقبول ہے۔مگر169سال قبل چراغاں کا میلہ نہیں منایا جا سکا کہ 29مارچ1849کو50سال سے چل رہی آزاد سلطنت’’لہور دربار‘‘ کا خاتمہ کر ڈالا۔اس دن انگریزوں نے نہ صرف پنجاب بشمول خیبر پی کے اور فاٹا پر قبضہ کیا بلکہ پلاسی کی لڑائی(1757)، کرناٹک جنگوں(1744-63) ،پانی پت کی جنگ(1761) ، بکسر کی لڑائی(1764)،ٹیپو کی شکست(1799) اور دلی پر قبضہ(1803) سے نوآبادیاتی تسلط کی جو مہم جاری تھی وہ بھی مکمل ہوئی۔
جیسے ہندوءں کو ساتھ ملانے کے لیے انگریزوں نے مغلوں اور سلاطین دہلی کو مسلمان بادشاہ کہا ویسے ہی پنجابی مسلمانوں اور پختونوں کو ساتھ ملانے کے لیے انگریزوں نے ’’لہوردربار‘‘ کو سکھوں کی حکومت قرار دے کر اپنے مفادات کو پورا کرنے کے جتن کیے۔تاریخ کو مسخ کرنے کے لیے درباری مصنفین سے کتابیں لکھوائی گئیں کہ جن میں مغلوں اور لہور دربار کے تمسخر اڑانے کے ساتھ ساتھ مذہبی و فرقہ وارانہ تعصبات کو ہوا دینا لازم تھا۔ سونے پر سہاگہ یوں چڑھا کہ ہمارا فارسی و ترک زبانوں سے رشتہ توڑ ڈالا گیا اور ہم اپنی تاریخ سے مکمل کٹ گئے۔
’’لہوردربار‘‘ کی ریاست 1799میں مہاراجہ رنجیت سنگھ نے مسلمان پنجابیوں سے مل کر بنائی تھی کہ جس میں کشمیر،گلگت بلتستان،پشاور، فاٹا شامل تھے۔مہاراجہ کے دربار میں مسلمان، ہندو، سکھ بھی بیٹھتے تھے اور کشمیری، بلتی،پٹھان اورپنجابی بھی۔ یہی نہیں بلکہ لہور دربار کی طرف سے انگریزوں کے خلاف لڑنے والوں میں پٹھان،کشمیری، پوربیے،پنجابی ہی نہیں بلکہ کجھ امریکی، فرانسیسی،اطالوی، حتاکہ برٹش جرنیل بھی شامل تھے۔یاد رکھے والی حقیقت تو یہ ہے کہ مہاراجہ رنجیت سنگھ نے سکھ مثلوں کو ختم کر کے لہوردربار کی بنیادیں رکھیں کہ بہت سی سکھ مذہبی جتھے بندیاں توں مہاراجہ کے خلاف تھیں۔مگر انگریزوں اور ان کے ہمنواؤں نے لہور دربار کو سکھ سرکار کہا۔
جب مہاراجہ نے لاہور میں حکومت بنائی تو یہفرانسیسی لیڈر نپولین بونا پارٹ کی چڑھتل کا زمانہ تھا اور دلی پر تسلط کر چکے انگریزوں کو ڈر تھا کہ فتوحات کرتا نپولین ایران و سندھ سے پنجاب آ سکتا ہے۔1805 میں جب مہاراجہ رنجیت سنگھ نے انگریزوں سے برسرپیکار جسونت راؤ ہولکر اور جنرل لیک میں سمجھوتہ کروایا تو انگریزوں کو مہاراجہ کی طاقت کا اندازہ ہو گیا۔یہی وہ زمانہ تھا جب سلطنت عثمانیہ(ترکوں) اور ایرانیوں سے نپولین کے سمجھوتوں نے انگریزوں کے ڈر کو یقین میں بدل دیا۔1809میں لارڈ منٹو کی طرف سے چارلس میٹکاف نے لہور دربار کیساتھ معاہدہ کیاجس کی شقیں اج بھی لہور دربار کی طاقت کے اعتراف کا منہ بولتا ثبوت ہیں۔حیران نہ ہوں، انگریز اس دور میں بھی افغانستان جانے کا رستہ مانگ رہے تھے مگر جہاندیدہ مہاراجہ نے انکار کر دیا۔اسی دور میں جب روسیوں نے پنجاب پر حملہ کے لیے افغانستان کے بادشاہ دوست محمد خان سے رستہ مانگا تھا تو انھوں نے بھی ایسے ہی انکار کردیا تھا۔جب تک مہاراجہ زندہ رہا اس وقت تک انگریز نہ تو افغانستان کی طرف بڑھ سکے اوہ نہ ہی سندھ،بلوچستان پر قابض ہوئے۔اس دوران انگریزوں نے لہور دربار کو ایک مسلمان دشمن حکومت قرار دینے کے لیے خوب پروپیگنڈا کیا اور ایک جہاد کو بھی تقویت دی۔جون1839میں مہاراجہ کی وفات کے وقت انگریز شملہ منیفسٹو تیار کر چکے تھے کہ پہلے قلات، کابل و قندہار پر قبضہ ہوا، 1843میں سندھ،1846میں کشمیر اور1849میں پنجاب پر قبضہ کیا گیا۔مہاراجہ کی موت کے بعد لہور دربار کو اندر سے کمزور کرنے کے لیے انگریزوں نے محلاتی لڑائیوں کو تیز کرنے کے لیے تخت کے دعویداروں اور فوج کو بڑھکایا کہ اب اس بارے سیر حاصل مواد دستیاب ہے۔
1846 میں فیصلہ کن جنگ دریائے ستلج کے کنارے ہوئی جس کے بعد انگریزلہور دربار کو تونہ توڑ سکے مگر کشمیر اور اس کے حاکم شیخ برادران کو بے دخل کر کے گلاب سنگھ کو کشمیر پر بطور نمائندہ لگا دیا گیا۔درباری تاریخ لکھنے والے ہمیں یہ نہیں بتاتے کہ مسلم اکثریتی کشمیر و بلتستان میں سکھوں کی حکومت کے دور میں مسلمان شیخ برادران حاکم رہے جبکہ انگریزوں کے دور میں گلاب سنگھ کو کشمیر کا حاکم بنایا گیا۔
1846سے1849کے درمیان ہونے والی تین بڑی جنگوں کا احوال بہت سی کتابوں میں درج ہے جس میں رائل بنگال آرمی میں ہندؤں کو بھرتی کرنے کے لیے یہ کہا گیا کہ انھیں اس علاقے کو فتح کرنے جانا ہے جہاں تاریخی طور پر ہمیشہ مسلمانوں کا قبضہ رہا ہے۔
ان جنگوں میں جن پوربی بٹالینوں نے رائل بنگال آرمی کو تج کر لہور دربار کا ساتھ دیا اس کا ذکر بھی نہیں کیا جاتا ۔دوست محمد کان کا بھائی سلطان محمد تو ساری عمر لہور دربار کے ساتھ رہا جبکہ اس کا بیٹا1848میں ہونے والے چیلیانوالہ(گجرات کے پاس) معرکہ میں لہور دربار کی فوج کے ساتھ ملا۔یہی نہیں بلکہ ملتان کے مول راج کی نگریزوں کے خلاف بغاوت بھی اس بات کا ثبوت کہ بلا امتیاز مذہب و قومیت بیرونی قبضوں کے خلاف مذاحمت کی طویل تاریخ ہے۔
جن لوگوں نے دیبی پرشاد، گنیش داس،برائن ہیوگل،کنگھم،الیکذنڈر گارڈنر،سٹین بیک،فقیر وحید الدین ، خشونت سنگھ اور کرنل (ر) معین باری کی کتب پڑھیں ہیں وہ درباری مصنفین کے کرتبوں سے کما حقہ واقف ہیں۔مگر پاکستان و بھارت میں بالعموم انگریزی پالیسی ہی تاحال جاری ہے اور لہور دربار بارے پہلی سے 16 ویں جماعت تک کی کتب میں ایک سبق بھی شامل نہیں۔29مارچ کے دن جس ریاست کو انگریزوں نے فتح کیا اس کے خلاف نوآبادیاتی دور میں جج لطیف،کنھیا لال جیسوں سے کتب لکھوائی گئیں۔اگر یہ تحریر آپ کو اپنی گمشدہ تاریخ پر نظر ڈالنے کی تحریک دے سکے تو اس کا مقصد پورا ہو جائے گا۔

An Interview of great Punjabi poet & Intellectual Ustad Daman

An Interview of great

Punjabi poet & Intellectual

Ustad Daman  

ملکہ بحر دی تے رانی دھرتیاں دی

ایدی شاہی وچ سورج نہیں ڈھل سکدا

ایہہ وکھری گل ہے ایس ویلے

ایتھے رات نوں دیوا نہیں بل سکدا

ٰI was deadly against colonial rulers. I recited my poetry in political meetings of Congress & Majlis e Ahrar. In Baghwan pura, i also attended a Muslim League public meeting organized at Eid milad un Nabi and recited my poem against British Rule.
انگ تے ریز نال بندا ہے انگریز تے انگ دا مظلب وی ٹکڑا ہے تے ریز وی ٹکڑا ہوندا ہے تے ایہہ
انگریز ٹکڑے ہی کر کے کتھے جائے گا۔
ایہہ ونڈو تے حکومت کرو والی انگریزی پالیسی تے چوٹ سی۔
اک سی آئی ڈی والیاں بارے وی میرا شعر سنو
اوہ جے لیٹر بکس حکومت برطانیہ دے
پہلے تار توں خبر پنجاندے نیں
لیکاں ایویں نہیں ماردے کاغزاں تے
لیکاں اپنے دیس تے لاوندے نیں

Born at 4 September 1911 Lhore , his family name was ChiraghDin. He died at Lhore December 3, 1984.
Listen the interview recorded in 1974 by Munnoo Bhai & Nawaz
Click & Listen
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ltIXLeSzQGM

Nationalism and its issues in modern times: A Review

Nationalism, Class Question and issues of federation in Pakistan

M Ishaq’s article is an interesting study because it was written just after the partition of Pakistan in 1972. He prophetically found similarities between ancient Brahmanical school and two-nation theory. He accepted that caste system is still prevalent in Pakistan but in non-Hindu forms

Read complete article published in The News on Sunday  at
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/compilation-unheard-voices/#.WrTyqGpubIU

A compilation of unheard voices

Aamir Riaz March 4, 2018 Leave a comment

A book that debates nationalism, patriotism and nation state and raises the question of identity in Pakistan

It is often believed that patriotism and nationalism are synonyms and some even link nation state and identity questions to it too. Such notions grow into a more problematic and complex case when we treat it as a by-product of national identity. In post-colonial as well as multinational nation states like Pakistan, such questions needed some attention, but neither the state nor opposition groups handled it wisely since independence.

“Patriotism is when love of your own people comes first; nationalism, when hate for people other than your own comes first.” This quote of French statesman, Charles de Gaulle, is important in many ways. A patriot always loves and respects all citizens irrespective of race, colour, religion, sect, language or ethnicity living in a nation state and his narrative is largely based on inclusiveness but a nationalist always prefers exclusiveness. One may say that a patriot always has nationalistic genes yet a nationalist might behave like a patriot.

Nation state is a modern phenomenon where fixed boundaries play a vital role and till the creation of European Union, it was considered as an anti-global phenomenon in many ways. That is why intellectuals like Albert Einstein, Allama Iqbal rightly accepted it with reservations. Iqbal called it a modern god whereas Einstein called it measles of mankind.

The book under review Kya Hum Elahda Ho Sakty Hain is a compilation of ten articles related to nationalism, identity, national question and Marxism with special reference to Pakistan. It is a critique of separatist movements of Pakistan without denouncing their multinational and multiethnic identities. The book is dedicated to the inhabitants of Mehr Garh, Muhanjo Daro and Harrapa that shows preferences of the compiler well.

Out of ten articles, two are written by Abdur Rasheed Dholka, a senior comrade from Sargodha who worked with Pakistan Mazdoor Kisan Party while two are penned by M Arfan Ch, a young comrade and former president of NSF Punjab. Two old writings are included in it; one is a 45-year-old article “Naya Pakistan” written by prominent communist, Major M Ishaq. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf is using the same slogan of Naya Pakistan these days, but it has nothing in common with anti-colonial analysis of Ishaq. The other old writing included in the book is a basic document of PMKP approved in 1990 Congress. An article of late Dr Maqbool Akhtar, “Crisis of National Identity in Pakistan” is also part of the book. Abdul Satar, Shadab Murtaza and Ganpat Rai Bhail wrote each one article in this compilation.

Bhail has written about the untouchables and exposed elitist trends not only in national politics but also in provincial nationalisms, a trend that is often missed by intellectuals largely. He claimed that the number of untouchables is more than 30 million in Pakistan and they are practically out of national as well as provincial debates. They have no space in either political parties or media.

In 2006, with the help of my friend and outstanding Punjabi writer, Nain Sukh, I interviewed Aga Khan Sahotra, a leader of Punjabi untouchables (Choras, Mussalies and Muslim Sheikhs) and listened to his narrative. Such voices are still out of mainstream debate in the media. Though we have special seats in the federal as well as provincial assemblies for minorities, women, etc, we have no space for the lowest classes. It is the flipside of our politics and needs a little attention.

M Ishaq’s article is an interesting study because it was written just after the partition of Pakistan in 1972. He prophetically found similarities between ancient Brahmanical school and two-nation theory. He accepted that caste system is still prevalent in Pakistan but in non-Hindu forms. Regarding geopolitics, he said that Pakistan’s stability as well as existence would depend on its friendly relations with China. The only factor that could challenge Pakistan’s existence as a nation state is its enmity with China and our enemies know it well. Ishaq was among rare examples that had an eye not only on politics, political and economic classes but also on strategic depth. Historically and strategically, there are 9 paths (Daras) to enter our lands from south to north — 1-Makran, 2-Melas, 3-Bolan, 4-Sakhi Sarwar, 5-Gomal, 6-Kurram and Tochi, 6-Khyber, 7-Swat and Chitral, 9-Gilgat (Silk Road).

The Durand Line practically closed all the nine paths that were used for businesses for centuries. It was part of an agenda to transform this region into a garrison state largely after March 29, 1849, a day when NWFP (now KPK), Kashmir and the Punjab were annexed. As per colonial assertion, smugglers, revolutionaries and non-state actors could use those paths; they closed it to formal businesses as well. To protect that buffer zone, Afghanistan and NWFP were created in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The ideas of strategic depth and marshal race were coined to protect Frontier Forward policy. After more than 100 years, CPEC practically challenged that buffer zone syndrome.

Arfan Ch criticised the identity politics and emphasised on class politics, yet warned against left extremism in this regard. National Awami Party (established in 1957) was the first alliance of nationalists and communists but in 1966 it was divided into Pro-Chinese and Pro-Moscow sections and from that day nationalists and left factions in Pakistan failed to unite.

The book debates nationalism, patriotism, nation state and raises the question of identity. It may interest many political workers and researchers involved in nationalist-cum-separatist movements. Such writings are largely missing in our literature regarding the national question. For a meaningful dialogue, it has the ability to shock its readers, especially regarding politics of the lowest classes. Although, after the 18th Amendment, nationalist politics is on the decline, this phenomenon is still unheard of in our intellectual debate.

The debate regarding religion and nationalism needs attention with special reference to exclusiveness and inclusiveness.

Kya Hum Elahda Ho Saktay Hain
Compiler and Editor: M Saleem Sheikh
Publisher: Pakistan Study Forum, Faisalabad
Pages: 160
Price: Rs 300

Will Sindhis Remember 20th March: A day of unlearning

Will Sindhis Remember 20th March: A day of unlearning

In-spite of many movements, age of information and army of intellectuals people's history is still largely missing , twisted and needs little attention. We often over emphasized on certain issues but major point of concern is what we often miss or deleted, intentionally or unintentionally. When I started reading books, I could not read even a single line in anti-colonial literature about 29th March 1849, a day when 50 years resisting empire , the Lhore Darbar, was annexed by colonial masters. The empire that had Punjabis, Pukhtoons, Kashmiris, Baltis in it and was secular in many ways and remained stood from 1799 till 1849 during a period when no one could stand and did below the belt agreements with new masters. Strangely, that information was largely missing in both pro & anti-colonial literature.
Late 19th century and first half of 20th century witnessed many events but it is largely missing not only in court literature but also absent in resistance literature.  Sooreh Padshah and Hur Movement is also among those who has their footprints in people's history yet various political & non political actors are reluctant to deconstruct it. Read the article and its relevant links below
Wichaar article for March 20th
http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/33924/2018-03-20.html

Hur Movement

Research article about Hur Movement

NSF Revisited: History of struggle with gapes & achievements

NSF Revisited: History of struggle with gapes & achievements

The NSF participated in many movements during the Ayub, Yahya and Bhutto periods against rulers. In 1966, it was divided in pro-Moscow and pro-China groups that damaged it and later on it further divided in many more groups. In late 1960s, the Baloch, Pakhtuns and Sindhis had their separate student wings while National Student Organisation emerged in the Punjab. Although none of them succeeded, there has been little effort to analyse the whole phenomenon.

Reluctance to revisit , a common disease among ideological groups irrespective of faith or ideology 

Revisiting our own past is painful but not a thankless job. In many ways, it shakes and breaks many ideals, yet in final analysis it helps new generation to find new lines in the light of old mistakes. Reluctance to revisit the past is common, especially among ideological groups yet it is a fact that apart from strong opposition no one can stop it ever.
I remember, when as editor, a decade back I started publishing long autobiographical interviews in a Left journal,(Awami Jumhori Forum www.ajfpk.org)  many elders and friends did not like the idea of talking about the Left politics yet workers and young researchers showed great interest in it. Interestingly, authors of this work used and acknowledged that resource.


Facts & Myths
Those who have read pre-partition documents related to underground communist struggle in subcontinent (like 280 pages Nehru Report of 1928, India & Communism, a secret report about Indian communists, published from Punjab, Simla in 1933, Conspiracy cases of Peshawar, Merrut of 1920s and post 1942 Communist record when the party was allowed to work openly & legally, knew it well that there were more than one centers of struggle in South Asia including one in Lahore representing areas later called West Pakistan with relatively lose central command of Mumbai. 


Was Malik Sher Afzal , first victim of infighting within NSF? Why student leaders were instructed to participate as candidates in Ayub's BD member local-bodies? 

As par Dr Akhtar Ahtisham till early 1960s Malik Sher Afzal became very popular so Karachi Committee and Comrade Tufail Abbas had conspired against him yet another NSF activist Mahzar Haider accused Jamal Naqvi for defaming Afzal. Now Miraj Muhammad khan had replaced Afzal but strangely those student leaders including Miraj had participated as candidates in local body election as par instructions


Click and read complete article published in TNS

Left history revisited

Aamir Riaz March 11, 2018 Leave a comment

Suraj pay Kamand is a book that covers history, idiosyncrasies, achievements as well as shortcomings of left leaning students of Karachi and Lahore

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Revisiting our own past is painful but not a thankless job. In many ways, it shakes and breaks many ideals, yet in final analysis it helps new generation to find new lines in the light of old mistakes. Reluctance to revisit the past is common, especially among ideological groups yet it is a fact that apart from strong opposition no one can stop it ever.

Suraj pay Kamand by Hasan Javed & Mohsin Zulfiqar is a recent effort to revisit a section of Left history, precisely related to student activism, commonly known as student politics. Generally speaking, it covers history, idiosyncrasies, achievements as well as shortcomings of left leaning students of Karachi and Lahore. There is nothing of Left politics in the archives. Such publications will help future researchers and historians and other Left groups to add to this subject. They can also challenge and amend if the need arises. I remember, when as editor, a decade back I started publishing long autobiographical interviews in a Left journal, many elders and friends did not like the idea of talking about the Left politics yet workers and young researchers showed great interest in it. Interestingly, authors of this work used and acknowledged that resource.

The CPP went underground after mid 1954 when majority of the leadership and activists were either jailed or they remained underground.

In the last two decades we have witnessed many books, memoirs and compilations about student politics including Revisiting Student Politics in Pakistan by Iqbal Haider Butt published by Bargad, 2009, whose preface was written by Khurshid Husnain, an old leader of National Student Federation of Karachi University (1971-6). In his interview in this book, Khurshid, a professor of physics in QAU, says, “The leftists shared ideals of a revolution: justice, compassion and the desire to free the world. However, in retrospect I can say that their division was unrealistic and some of the divisive debates were unwarranted. For example the pro-China and pro-Russia debates, internal controversies on the legitimacy of Naxalite movement in India. All such debates had no practical consequences for the progressive movement in Pakistan. We did not do our homework and had myopic views of life.”

Authors Mohsin and Hasan Javed have done their best to acknowledge the struggle. At the same time they have registered myopic, narrow-minded and prejudiced approach. Unlike many books published in the past, it is not just praise of the golden days. Hasan Javed told me that in the next volume they will share in-depth analysis of student movement in general and rise and fall of Left leaning student politics, including NSF, in particular. Current volume consists of 110 short sketches based on memoirs and interviews of students associated with Democratic Student Federation (DSF) and NSF.

While analysing the past it is important to separate facts from analysis — that always helps readers and researchers to understand reference to the context largely. Those who have read pre-partition documents related to underground communist struggle in the subcontinent like 280 pages Nehru Report of 1928, India & Communism, a secret report about Indian communists published from Punjab in 1933, knew it well that there were more than one centre of struggle in South Asia including one in Lahore representing areas later called West Pakistan with relatively lose central command of Mumbai.

There were numerous communist groups in struggle other than CPI like Congress Socialists, Kirti Kisan Sabha, Lal Party etc and after partition like many parties, CPI too had to divide itself into two parts for India and Pakistan in February 1948. CPI Punjab headquarter, 114 McLeod Road, became new central office of the Communist Party of Pakistan. Central command remained lose in the party yet Pindi, Karachi and Dhaka merged as new centres of struggle as recorded by senior comrade Eric Rahim in his interview. As it was formative times there were communist groups out of CPP too.

The party remained intact despite many odds. A malicious campaign in media against Progressive Writers Association (PWA) was launched by Liaquat Ali Khan’s government when it organised its first open session in Lahore in November 1949. From Pindi Conspiracy Case in March 1951 till 1954, until the party was banned by the state with two separate orders in East and West Pakistan, comrades were pushed to the wall. During that time, the party had formed numerous groups in students, labourers, peasants and writers and Democratic Students Federation (DSF) was one of them. DSF was merged in All Pakistan Student Organisation (APSO) in December 1953 as mentioned by Hasan Javed on page 86.

There are tiny details about APSO which was the first effort to unite progressive students in Pakistan. Comrade Kamal Lohani, in an interview, mentioned a meeting between East and West Pakistan communists in 1953 in East Pakistan and like student movement in Karachi, East Pakistan Student Union had launched a movement against CM East Bengal Norul Amin the same month (January 1953) and young Lohani went to jail for the first time. But literature about APSO is still missing, and authors claimed that Dr Sarwar was its president. Did any other group, other than DSF, join APSO?

The CPP was banned along with its sister organisations, including APSO, but it was wrongly mentioned as DSF many times in the book. Interestingly, founding session of APSO was presided by infamous A K Brohi, the then law minister.

The CPP went underground after mid 1954 when majority of the leadership and activists were either jailed or they remained underground. That situation compelled progressive students to join a newly-formed pro-establishment student organisation NSF and silently and dramatically they turned it into a radical one.

Whether it was planned or situational is not known and needs some attention. Eric Rahim who left Pakistan in November 1958 and was very close to Hassan Nasir, did not mention that development. He said that when he left Pakistan Tufail Abbas, Jamal Naqvi and Nazish Amrohi were not in district committee Karachi. Underground party was running separately in Karachi, Pindi and Lahore but Major Ishaq was trying to reunite it. The book has claimed that Sher Afzal Malik and Ziauddin Khan became president and general secretary of NSF in 1957 and turned it into a radical organisation.

The NSF participated in many movements during the Ayub, Yahya and Bhutto periods against rulers. In 1966, it was divided in pro-Moscow and pro-China groups that damaged it and later on it further divided in many more groups. In late 1960s, the Baloch, Pakhtuns and Sindhis had their separate student wings while National Student Organisation emerged in the Punjab. Although none of them succeeded, there has been little effort to analyse the whole phenomenon.

In this regard books like Suraj pay Kamand may help in many ways. Some important names like Raja Anwer, Pervaiz Rasheed, Ameer Hamza Virk, Ahmad Ali Butt are missing from it but with this resource of 110 sketches one can easily move forward. Hopefully, the second volume will address the riddles and we will have straight facts.

Suraj pay Kamand
Authors: Hasan Javed & Mohsin Zulfiqar
Pages: 600
Price: Rs1000

Jam Saqi and his times (1944-2018)

Jam Saqi and his times (1944-2018) 

Jam died today and we are sharing some pieces of his incomplete biography written by Nuzhat Abbas & Ahmad Saleem and few more things including his interview of 2006. After spending many years in left formations, like Miraj M Khan, Pervaiz Rasheed etc he joined popular politics yet his old friends & mentors made fun of him but he remained stick on it till his last day. Thanks to PPP Sindh, he could not survive there too  but he remained critical of close politics of Left in general. He inspired many people, especially the youth and got popularity during Zia prison but group had no interest due to usual ideological narrow mindset. 

He joined communist group in 1964 and remained with it for 27 years , became Member Provincial committee of Nazshi Group in 1969, then joined CC in 1976 and finally became Secretary General in 1987 but he left group politics in 1991 and advice comrades to work in popular parties.

News of his death

اوہ1964وچ پارٹی دے ممبر بنے تے1969وچ انہاں نوں کیمونسٹ پارٹی(نازشی گروپ) دی صوبائی کمٹی وچ لے لتا گیا۔ 1976وچ جداں اوہ ایس گروپ دی مرکزی کمیٹی دے ممبر بنے تے ایس کمیٹی وچ امتیاز عالم، مختار باچہ، بی ایم کٹی،جمالنقوی،امام علی نازش، شمیم اشرف ملک، سائیں عزیز اللہ،انور ملک، افراسیاب خٹک تے اعزاز نذیر رلتی سن۔پھر1987وچ اوہ گروپ دے سیکٹری جنرل بنے تے 1991وچ انہاں ایس گروپ نوں ہی نہیں سگوں سکہ بند سیاست نوں ہی چھڈ دتا۔

امام علی نازش گروپ،باقر سنائی،کامریڈ غلام محمد لغاری ، مہر حسین شاہ،یونس کھتری ، اسمعیل اڈیجو، بیزن بزنجو ،آصف مرزا، حیدر آباد سٹوڈنس فیڈریشن ،پاکستانی مادری زباناں بارے دادا فیروزالدین منصور دا باکمال پمفلٹ،بھٹو نال سانگا،تاشقند معاہدے تے بھارت نال ہزار سالہ جنگ تے اعتراض پر بھٹودے جلسے دا بندوبست، کامل راجپر،ون یونٹ دی مخالفتاں پر بھٹو دا ایس نال اتفاق نہ کرنا۔
جام ساقی دی ایہہ کتاب سندھ وچ سیاسی جدوجہد دی داستاں وی ہے، ترقی پسنداں دے سیاسی جوڑ توڑ دا حوالہ وی،پی پی پی نال پیار تے لڑائیاں دا قصہ وی۔

انہاں دناں وچ مدیجی وچ کسان کانفرنس ہوئی، جتھے انہاں دی ملاقات سینئر ترقی پسند رہنما کامریڈ غلام محمد لغاری نال ہوئی۔ جام ساقی نے انہاں نوں آکھیا کہ اوہ اک طلبا تنظیم بنانا چاہندے نیں۔ کامریڈ لغاری ایہہ سن کہ بہوں خش ہوئے۔ انہاں نے ہر قسم دا تعاون تے مدد دا وعدہ کیتا۔ ایہہ ملاقات انہاں دی زندگی وچ اک نواں مور بن گئی ۔ چند سالاں بعد اوہ جیل گئے تے اوتھے کامریڈ لغاری تے مہر حسین شاہ وی سن۔ کامریڈ لغاری نے جام نال مہر حسین شاہ دا تعارف کرایا جیہڑا زندگی بھر دا نظریاتی سانگابن گیا۔*

Link of interview of Jam by Aamir Riaz Published in 2006 

Links of All 7 parts
PART 1 early days


PART 2....مہاجر فیکٹر، جیل، میر تھیبو،مسعود نورانی،رسول بخش پلیجو، پیکنگ دا اثر،ڈپٹی کمشنری دی نوکری دی آفر تے انکار، دس ہزار دی سکالرشپ تے انکار

این ایس ایف دی ونڈ،طلبا دی گرفتاریاں،سرکاری بلڈنگاں نوں ساڑنا، سکول کالج بند،جنرل یحی دے جنرل ایوب نوں تے جنرل کیانی دے جنرل مشرف نوں فارغ کرن وچ مماثلتاں، سوات تے بسنت،مار دھاڑ تے توڑ بھن ،لیل و نہار دی رپورٹنگ،نویں سندھ این ایس ایف،ویروا

PART 3 .. ایوب مخالف لہر تے ترقی پسند: جام ساقی دی کتاب توں ٹوٹے(تریجی لڑی)

ایوب سرکاردے اخیری دن،ڈھاکے وچ کرفیو،25 مارچ1969گیا ایوب تے آگیا یحی،اک مارشلا توں دوجے ماشلا تک،جام فیر پھڑیچیا گیا،فوج نوں زمیناں دین دی مخالفتاں،فوجی عدالت تے میجر جاویدمجید،انڈیا نال رلن دا بوداالزام،جام لہور وچ تے بنانا پاکستان فیڈرل یونین آف سٹوڈنس دا،پنجسو دا بنانا، باسط میر،

Part 4..Yahya Period

PART 5...1970-71 and the game

Part 6 Jamal, Nazir Abbasi & Jam ..Story of distrust

میر تھیبو دی کہانی،قوم پرستاں دے وادھے، گھاٹے، ہارڈ لائنر کون؟، ڈسپلن تے انچارج،گھپے کیمونسٹ گروپاں دے، جمال نقوی تے الزام، نذیر عباسی قومی مسئلہ نوں نہیں مینیدا،پرولتاریہ نوں قوماں وچ ونڈنا غلط، بالا دست قوم دا پرولتاری کدی مظلوم قوم دے پرولتاری دا استحصال نہیں کردا، کیمونسٹاں دا قوم پرستاں دا دم چھلا بننا،ملزم کیمونسٹاں دا اسرائیل خلاف لڑن جان دی درخاست،ظلم دی کہانیاں

PART 7... Zia period and politics

Another Article for DAWN Urdu Blog

https://www.dawnnews.tv/news/1056904

چھاچھرو، ضلع تھر پارکر کے ایک گاؤں 'جھنگی' میں 1944 میں پیدا ہونے والے جام ساقی سے میں نے 2006 میں اک ترقی پسند جریدے عوامی جمہوری فورم کے ایڈیٹر کی حیثیت میں انٹرویو کیا تو ان میں بہت سی تبدیلیاں آچکی تھیں۔ اب وہ پرولتاری آمریت کی بجائے جمہوری سوشلزم کی بات ببانگ دہل کرتے تھے۔

طویل عرصہ تک پارٹی کی مرکزی کمیٹی کے ممبر اور پھر سیکریٹری جنرل کے اہم عہدے پر رہنے کے باوجود انہیں معلوم نہیں تھا کہ پارٹی کے فنڈز کہاں سے آتے ہیں اور کہاں خرچ ہوتے ہیں۔

16 دسمبر 1971 کے بعد بننے والی بھٹو کی حکومت پہلی عوامی سرکار تھی۔ اسے اگر ترقی پسندوں اور قوم پرستوں نے چلنے دیا ہوتا تو آج کا پاکستان بہت مختلف ہوتا۔ قوم پرستوں میں سے کچھ عراق کی ایران مخالف سرد جنگ کا حصہ بنے تو کچھ کابل و بھارت کی یاترا سے سیاست درآمد کرنے پرمامور ہوئے۔

Shashi Tharoor & his imagined Old Pride. Some Stray thoughts

Just leave Old Prides & Prejudices for Once

 For me it is black & white answer  of a complex situation.  British pride is twisted in many ways but it is more harmful for British people. It is time for the world nation states to de-link themselves from old Empires rather than praising them. Interestingly, like colonial apologists, Shashi too fix in Old Pride and that is the core problematic issue.  

Video Clip of Shashi Argument

There are many questions about the thesis and it needs some deconstruction too. I heard his famous lecture too. Interestingly no one ever ask him about the data he used in it. Like 27% global GDP in 1700 or 23% in 1800. He told us that in 1947 it had reduced to 3%.
He did not tell us what was the literacy rate before annexation yet he may be right that in 1947 it was below 17%.
What was life expectancy rate before annexation? he did not mention yet he said that it was 27 in 1947.
Similarly he did not enrich about growth rate of pre British India yet he gave a figure from 1900 to 1947 and that was 0.001%.
He smartly quoted Will Durand regarding education spending but it was a general comment comparing New York and British India in 1930.
It is problematic to explain pre British Indian glory with some isolated examples of Roman Senators.
There are many issues in that narrative and in the absence of old data, it may sound nationalistic yet hard to attract a researcher.
RETHINKING
Colonization did many bad things and it had destroyed many things too but you cannot analysis ancient or past history with modern tools. Fundamentalists often analysis modern history with ancient tools and similarly if we analysis 1000 years back history with modern tools like life expectancy rates, human rights, gender, education cum literacy, GDP etc it often suited some times but it is often become problematic for researchers.
What Shahshi is saying may be understandable but why students and participants in shows and institutions did not question old data? How he got data of 500 years back? Do we have any data of life expectancy rate of ancient Greeks? Talking in terms of percentage about even 300 years back situation is problematic in many ways.
There are many more questions. Was there any thing exists like One Nation (India) before annexation? Just check history of areas like Tibat, Nepal, Burma, areas beyond Peshawar, Hamachal, Costal lands on Baluchistan etc during Mughal period?
What was British India? We have to understand factual position. Till 1846-9, areas like Kashmir, KPK, whole Punjab were not part of British India.
Till 1935, even Aden (port of Yemen) was included in British India while Sheri Lanka, Nepal, Afghanistan were out of it by colonial rulers. What we means by using notions like Indian Wealth? is it a post Nation State imagination largely depends on dreams rather than facts? Till 17th century even Britain nation was not imagined like in 20th century or modern Germany was Prussia , US was not created and these are simple facts. Can we draw modern Nation States from old King-ships? In mid 19th Century, a German traveler Baron Charles Hugel wrote a book  who came to our lands but its dedication was for a imagined European Christian Empire. Today we are living in Nation States and it is largely a 20th century phenomenon  yet Shashi ji is trying to expand it till ancient times . It is over nationalistic in many ways. 
There are many bad rather twisting things we had in our colonial past including misleading prides too but nationalism is no answer of them at all. What we did in last 70 years in Bharat, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Burma, Sheri Lanka, Nepal etc is too part of the history. I donot want to buy twisted theory of European supremacy but it does not mean that i have to fix my self with twisted nationalists.  For me it is black & white answer  of a complex situation.  British pride is twisted in many ways but it is more harmful for British people. It is time for the world nation states to delink themselves from old Empires rather than praising them. Interestingly, like colonial apologists, Shashi too fix in Old Pride and that is the core problematic issue.