Baba Haider Zaman of Hazara & his politics 1934-2018

Baba Haider Zaman of Hazara

& his politics 1934-2018

Hazara Punjabis are struggling for their rights since long. What is the politics and who were the political actors and why they are still on back-foot since colonial times are some questions that may lead some unheard voices and Baba Haider Zaman who died few days back give us chance to review it.

NWFP was carved from the Punjab in 1901 by amalgamating numerous Punjabi dominating areas like Hazara; Peshawar, D I Khan, Kaghan, Swat with Paktoon dominated tribal belt 

Read the Article Published in the News on Sunday at link below

The founders of the 1973 original constitution proved more visionary in hindsight. By not resolving internal provincial contradictions, opponents of the 18th Amendment gained traction in the debate on new provinces post-2010. Political parties also overlooked the complexities of federating units, treating them as political entities rather than recognizing Pakistan as a non-unitary state. This approach may have succeeded for some, like ANP, but it deepened internal conflicts, much like the Lucknow Pact's weightage formula did in 1916. A unitary approach, akin to One Unit, often leads to disasters in both federations and provinces.

Link

http://tns.thenews.com.pk/son-soil/#.W9VUaHszbIU

If the link is not working as usual, Read here

Son of the soil

 

Baba Haider Zaman, the forgotten voice of Hazaras, passed away recently

28 October 2018

Whoever wants to write a people’s history of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa cannot miss Baba Haider Zaman, not because of his political struggle but for raising the issue of non-Pakhtuns living under pressure in KPK.

Baba was a leader of the Hazara Province Movement but he admitted in his interview with Suhail Warraich (Aik Din Geo kay Sath) that if the ANP and PPP leadership had accepted the name Hazara Pakhtunkhwa for the province, he would not have raised the demand of a separate province. Interestingly, it was Mian Nawaz Sharif who initiated the suggestion but at that time, media and progressive-cum liberal political parties and intelligentsia failed to understand its implications.

Baba Haider Zaman was born in village Dewan Manal, Havelian (then district Hazara, Peshawar Division) in 1934. It was a time when the inhabitants of former NWFP were struggling to get a provincial status for the province. NWFP was carved from the Punjab in 1901 by amalgamating numerous Punjabi dominated areas like Hazara, Peshawar, D I Khan, Swat etc with Pakhtun-dominated areas like Charsada, tribal areas but had declared it Chief Commissioner Province. From 1901 until the mid-1930s it had no local bodies, no provincial assemblies and was run by the Secretary of State sitting in London rather than the viceroy. As per the 1931 census record in NWFP, 43 per cent people were Pushto-speaking and 43 per cent were Punjabi-speaking including Hindko, Pahari, Lahnda (now Seraiki) and Gojri dialects.

Baba Haider Zaman had started his political career during the regime of first military dictator Gen. Ayub Khan who himself was Hindko-speaking from district Hazara. Thanks to the personal tussle for power between two old political friends -- Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan -- since early 1940s, NWFP remained sharply divided. That tussle badly affected the relations between the two communities (Hazara Punjabis and Pakhtuns) who were neighbours since centuries. As Baba Zaman was not in the Ayub camp he could not win elections. As per the narrative of Sardar Sher Bahadur (ex-Nazim Abbottabad), in 1981 Baba was president Abbottabad chapter of Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) against the third military dictator Gen. Ziaul Haq and was arrested during that movement.

Later on, he was elected Mayor of Abbottabad in the same period. He did not boycott the 1985 election unlike other MRD leadership and was elected member of provincial assembly. "I told PM Muhammad Khan Junejo not to give development funds to elected members because it will corrupt politics," Baba later revealed in his interview. But Baba could not comprehend that spreading spectre of corruption in politics was indeed the agenda of Gen. Zia and his facilitators, and that they were following that policy intentionally. Like Gen. Ayub, Ziaul Haq was creating his own lobby just to fix the PPP, the only federal pro-people popular party at that time.

In his old age, Baba admitted that elections are managed "with money and intervention by the sacred institutions in Pakistan".

During Zia’s period, a demographic shift had transpired in Pakistan that especially affected Quetta, Karachi and NWFP due to the onslaught of Afghan refugees. In the post-Zia era, many players were ready to use it internally in electoral politics by making fake ID cards. It included those who had opposed their entry in Pakistan and often called them Afghan bhagoras rather than refugees.

In 1989, Baba became a minister in the provincial ANP-PPP coalition government but did not address the challenge linked with this demographic shift. By 1990, Baba had realised there is less room for ideological politics in Pakistan when he witnessed the alliance of progressive nationalist ANP with right-leaning fundamentalist IJI against the PPP. He participated in elections throughout the 1990s but could not win. Finally, during the fourth military rule of Gen. Pervez Musharraf, he was again elected Nazim of Abbottabad in 2005. At this time, he was more close to PML-Q.

His politics took a new turn on the eve of 18^th amendment when the debate on a new name for NWFP began. He admitted that the move provoked him to launch the Hazara Province Movement. ANP leadership was adamant and not ready to give space to non-Pakhtuns living in the same land since centuries. Nawaz tried the middle way by suggesting a reasonably better name Hazara Pakhtunkhwa but PPP did not realise that, ignoring Hazara grievances will not resolve the historic conflict but perpetuate it.

18^th amendment gave new strength to Pakistan by giving provinces financial power for the first time in Pakistan’s history, a solution that our State had failed to coin under its One Unit mentality in the pre-1971 Pakistan. Had Gen. Ayub not imposed a dictatorship, politicians would have found ways to live with the East Pakistani Bengali population.

Baba Haider Zaman got some prominence due to the Hazara Province Movement but due to lack of homework, he failed to build a rational case. With smart moves, ANP had already divided Punjabi language by declaring various Punjabi dialects as separate languages through a bill during 2008-11. It is a fact that the total numerical strength of these dialects was 25 per cent even in the 1998 census but after that it reduced drastically; one should keep in mind that after merger of FATA, the non-Pakhtun percentage will further decrease.

Baba Haider Zaman died on October 24, 2018 but the issue he raised will never die. Hazara people have a long history from Gandhara to Hindu Shahi periods; even today, you can find remains of that tradition in Pakhli, Swat, Takht-i-Bahi etc. They still have reasonably heavy presence in the old Peshawar division.  Like any other community they are sons of soil, so it is the duty of KP politicians and intellectuals to resolve this riddle. But for this, they have to put aside pride and prejudices.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/566562-son-soil

پنجابیاں دی کہانی لمیری کہ بابا حیدر زمان پاکستانی پنجاب توں باہر وسن والے اوہ پنجابی سن جنہاں دی دھرتی نوں1901 دی کانی ونڈ پاروں انگریزاں پنجاب توں باہر کر دتا سی۔ بابا جی اوہ سیاسی کارکن جنہاں ایوب تے ضیا خلاف چلن والی عوامی تے جمہوری لہراں وچ حصہ پایا تے 82 سال دی عمر وچ سیاسی کم کردے ہوئے ہی پورے ہوئے۔اوہ ضیا شاہی وچ جیل توں نکل کے مئیر وی بنے تے 1985 دی اسمبلی دے ممبر وی، ضیا توں بعد وزیر وی رہے تے ایبٹ آباد دے مئیر وی پر انہاں جداں ہزارے والیاں تے ہندکو پنجابیاں دے حقاں دی راکھی لئی سیاسی لہر چلائی تے شہرتاں پائیاں۔ انہاں دی سیاست نال اختلاف ہو سکدا ہے پر انہاں دی کمٹمنٹ تے جذبہ بارے گل ہو سکدی ہے۔ جے صوبے دا ناں ہزارہ پختونخوا ہو جاندا تے اوہ نویں صوبے دی گل نہ کردے کہ ایہہ گل انہاں اک انٹرویو وچ کیتی جس دا لنک تھلے دے رہے ہاں۔

Link of the article published in wichaar.com

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34070/2018-10-25.html

News of his death in Tribune
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1833000/1-man-behind-hazara-province-movement-baba-haider-zaman-passes-away-84/

Baba Haider Zaman
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haider_Zaman_Khan

Interview of Haider Zaman
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3U_EsyRzb8

Aik din GEO ki sath Baba Haider Zaman
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6YunUAfSfK0

Another clip Aik Din #GEO ky Sath
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l0CIwG4V5Co

3rd clip Aik Din Geo ky Sath
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqHRq0GDk4w

A detail account of Haripur, Mansahra, Hazara, Black mountain areas as described in Digital South Asia library based on Gazetteer knowledge
http://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/gazetteer/pager.html?objectid=DS405.1.I34_V13_080.gif

Poverty of Bar & Bench: Advocates discuss in LOK LHAR radio Show

POVERTY OF BAR & BENCH 

Why our judicial system is not responding? Where are gapes? Why relevant departments, Bar councils, senior Lawyers, big chambers are reluctant? What are the REAL interests and who is the beneficiary? Becoming a power player? or participating in tricky court intrigues will hardly benefit middle class lawyers at all. Selective justice is the core issue and it is there still. It is high time to revisit Lawyer movement. 

Listen the program and understand what is missing?

Radio discussion recorded 18th October 2018 @ MastFM103 in weekly LOK LHAR Punjabi show with Aamir Riaz. Guests were Advocate Zahid Pervaiz and Advocate Younas Naul. 

Link of the news published about the discussion

کلائنٹ وی اینج ہی سوچدا ہے کہ جس چیمبر دی ریلیف لین وچ شہرتاں نیں اتھے ہی جایا جائے۔عام وکیل تے ایس وچ وی ماریا جا رہیا ہے۔ اسی روز عدالتاں وچ جاندے ہاں تے ساڈے سامنے ایہہ سب شیشے وانگ صاف ہے۔ایس سب وچ بار تے بینچ رلتی نیں۔جس وکیل دا ہتھ نہیں پیندا تے اوس وی تے اپنا کم کار چلانا ہے۔ جے سسٹم ٹھیک ہوئے تے عدالتاں وچ وکیل جتھے لے کے نہ جاون۔ ساڈے ایتھے قنون انصاف واسطے نہیں سگوں لوکاں نوں نپن لئی ورتیا جاندا ہے۔

Link of news

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34067/2018-10-20.html

اک زمانے وچ وکیل چند سو ہوندے سن پر اج ہزاراں وچ نیں۔ پہلے دو لا کالج سن اج بے شمار۔نویں وکیلاں لئی اگے ودھن دی تھاں بہوں گھٹ ہے کہ ایس بارے پردھان وکیلاں، عدالتاں تے بار کونسلاں کجھ نہیں کیتا۔
ہر کمپنی نوں لیگل ایڈوائزر رکھنا قنون پاروں لوڑی دا ہے پر ایس تے عمل نہیں ہوندا۔ وکیلاں دی ویلفئیر لئی ملن والی رقماں انہاں تے نہیں لگدیاں۔ جیہڑا امیراں دا منڈا آندا ہے اوس نوں گھروں کیس وادھو ملدے نیں پر مسلہ تے مڈل کلاس وکیلاں دا ہے۔
عدالتی بندوبست وچ بہوں وکیل کھپائے جا سکدے نیں پر ایس بارے کوئی سوچدا ہی نہیں۔سینئیر وکیلاں وی اپنا کردار ادا نہیں کیتا۔جج وی وکیلاں وچوں ہی بن دے نیں۔ جس چیمبر توں اوہ جاندے نیں فیر اوس وچ ہر کوئی وڑن دی کوشش وی کردا ہے۔ایہہ سب پچھلے کجھ سالاں توں بہوں ودھ چکیا ہے۔

Link of Radio recording

https://vocaroo.com/i/s0dB4MFltuDd

CPEC, Pakistan, China & Challenges (A radio discussion@Lok Lhar show)

#CPEC, #Pakistan, conspiracies, politics and future. Myth & Reality 

Discussion regarding a research study published recently by Center for Public Policy & Governance FCC.
Guests: Author of Study and Founding Director #CPPG Dr #SaeedShafqat and Ghulam Mujtaba Geologist, political analyst and president AWP Lhore. Along with Aamir Riaz TuTu.

Recorded @ MastFM103 Lhore Station October 11, 2018

Do we knew about 12 agreements we did with #IMF in last few decades? Do we knew what were the conditions we had signed in past with #ADB? #WB? etc

Link of the news
http://www.wichaar.com/news/118/ARTICLE/34062/2018-10-13.html

Who is against CPEC?& #ChineseInvestment globally, regionally and locally? 
What are facts ? figures? 
Do governments share details of every Foreign investment Project or same old investors are raising transparency issue in CPEC only?

Why #PTI government made it controversial ?
Is it the first mega plan in State of Kashmir lands? 
Why old colonizers and their cronies in Pakistan are determined to call CPEC, a colonization project?

A video clip of Dr Saeed Shafqat

https://youtu.be/kB51Hq2kU_M


Another video Clip of CPEC program, Ghulam Mujtaba & Dr Saeed Shafqat
https://youtu.be/IzAPa0ocOrA

Complete Recording of radio show
https://vocaroo.com/i/s04hQemTMNlK

Why we forgot ancient Jogi Sufi inclusive Traditions in the Punjab? A Review

Elapsed philosophical & intellectual traditions of the Punjab

Aamir Riaz
Published in the News October 7, 2018

Link of the article is
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/elapsed-philosophical-intellectual-traditions-punjab/#.W7zjsHszbIV

Qazi javed is no more physically yet his writings and Gul baat will remain with us. I did a program with matchless writer , you may watch three clips and can listen complete radio show. I did review of his book at #TNS too. He was director of Idara saqafat e Islamia, member Punjabi adabi board, owned many good books in Urdu and Punjabi. Listen him. Our policy makers and rulers cannot understand that loss.

Radio show with Qazi Javed along with few video clips

• 
  

Jogi or Yogi Sufi traditions are as ancient as the history of orality in the Punjab. From momentous monastic Tilla Jogian near Rohtas Fort to the ancient spiritual centre Uch Sharif near Punjnad in South Punjab, you may trace the flight of the land of the fiver rivers’ philosophical & intellectual traditions. In that tradition you can include Bhartari Harat, the Philosopher prince of Tilla Jogian, Data Ganj Bakhsh, Baba Farid Ganj Shakar, Makhdoom Jahaniyan Jahangasht, Baba Nanak, Shah Hussain Lhori also know as Madhulal Hussain, Sultan Bahu, Bulleh Shah, Suleman Taunsvi, Waris Shah, Hazrat Khawaja Shams-ud-din Sialvi, Khwaja Farid, Mian Muhammad Bakhsh and Peer of Golra Shareef. These are a few names but the pertinent question is why have we forgotten that tradition? If it was a colonial agenda than why have South-Asian scholars failed to include it in post-colonial literature? Young scholars should investigate it and for this they have to study it first.

Thanks to the garrison state narrative, our colonial masters largely ignored these old traditions while developing new school systems and re-writing our history, but the most disturbing reality is our own criminal attitude towards these traditions and our own part in disowning them. These intellectual traditions are still absent in textbooks not only in public institutions but also in private schools. We have already paid a heavy price in the form of extremism across Pakistan due to this ignorance.

I remember when I did a review of school textbooks and raised this question in front of many experts. Some said they were anti modernity, others said they were heretics and still others felt they were part of Hindu traditions and a divergence from Islam. I asked them why in spite of continuous rejection from the state since colonial times do people still love & respect them. The answer was similar and like any high church, they easily linked it with illiteracy. In simple words, they said, as people are ignorant and illiterate they revere these figures due to their superstitions. Such over simplifications are actually the poverty of literacy and deeply prevalent in our part of the world.

However, this perception is vanishing gradually because people are compelled to find out-of-the-box solutions against extremism especially in the post-Cold War era. In this context, it is essential to read Qazi Javed, an eminent scholar, columnist, author and currently director of the Institute of Islamic Culture. Born in the walled city of Lahore, Qazi Khana, he has penned many books including Punjab Kay Sufi Danishwar, Sir Syed Say Iqbal Tak, Hindi Muslim Tehzeeb etc., but here I want to introduce his Punjabi book, Punjab Di Sufiana Rawayat that explains 1000 years of the philosophical and intellectual history of the Punjab. A thoroughly researched book with complete references, rare in Urdu or Punjabi, it covers personalities from Data Ganj Baksh (1009-77) to Khwaja Ghulam Farid (1845-1901) and Pir Mehr Ali Shah of Golra Shareef (1859-1937). The book is a rare treatise for students of history, philosophy, sociology & political science.

Although the book has rare references about ancient Jogi traditions, yet when I discussed this with him in my weekly radio show, he took no time to link Qadari, Qalandri and Malamti traditions with our Jogi past.

In the preface, late Asif Khan, an eminent scholar of Punjabi, rightly explains why the writer has an edge on the previous books written on the same topic. “Qazi not only wrote about saints but also linked his thoughts with the circumstances of that era’’. It is always important to know the time and space of a personality. This enables you to understand the depth of his writings. If you need to understand Karl Marx then without reading his polemics you may just drown in dogma.

In just a brief span of 160 pages the writer has successfully introduced 1000 years of our intellectual rainbow. From the book of Data Sahib, Kashful Mahjoob, he reproduces a paragraph in favor of music. You can understand why Punjabis have a special love for Chishti and Qadri traditions. Although it has little introduction of Qarmati and Ismailia traditions yet one can sense the reasons behind the rise of Shurwardya traditions in Uch & Multan against the ruling Ismailia ones. But the most influential intellectual tradition in Muslim Punjab came from the teachings and thoughts of the saint, philosopher and poet Ibn e Arabi (1165-1240) who was born in Spain and was the author of 800 attributed works, over 100 of which survive in manuscript form. His work encompassed both Sunni and Shia identity and thought.

‘It is well known that Ibn e Arabi, from the point of view of his madhhab was a Sunni but it is also known that he wrote a treatise on the twelve Shiite imams who have always been popular among Shiites’, wrote Syed Hossein Nasr. Qazi smartly introduced polemics among saints on various issues including Wahdatul Wajood, Wadhatal Shahud, as well as some no-go areas. He admitted that Wahdatul Wajood’s intellectual traditions were very much prevalent in the Punjab much before Ibn Arabi. It is interesting to know that Fakhruddin Iraqi, who later became the son-in-law of Sheikh Baha-ud-din Zakariya, was the first person who introduced Ibn Arabi in the Punjab, and he visited here by a virtue of a group of Qalandars.

The book is divided into three chapter, first covers the initial period (From 1000 to 1350), second chapter covers the period from mid-14^th century to mid-18^th (1750) century when Baba Bulleh Shah died. The writer called it ‘an era of enlightenment’ and discussed Baba Nanak, Bhagati Movement, Madhulal Hussein, Qadri order, Sultan Bahu, Mian Mir, Syed Jaunpuri, Mulla Shah Badkhshani (pupil of Mian Mir and teacher of Dara Shakoh) and ends this chapter on Baba Bulleh Shah. He also discusses Majadid Alif Sani and Shah Wali Ullh in the same chapter in passing.

The last chapter is ‘era of defeat’’ that starts from Noor Mohammad Maharvi, born near Chishtian, district Bhawalnagar in village Chotala around 1730. This Kharal saint can be credited for reviving the supremacy of the Chishti order in the Punjab. His original name was Behbal but his murshad called him Noor Muhammad. He studied in Lahore & Delhi.

His murshad was Shah Fukhruudin whose madrassa was famous in Delhi. In 1750s, when he returned to Punjab his murshad often recite a couplet

تن لٹکے من چھیرن سرت ملووں ہار

مکھن لے گیا پنجابی، چھاچھ پیو سنسار

 Khawaja Suleman Tunsavi was among the famous disciples of Maharvi. Like his murshad, Tunsavi too was preacher of Ibn Arabi. During his times Syed Ahmad Shaheed had launched a jihad against Maharaja Ranjit Singh but according to writer saint Suleman did not endorsed it. He advocated that Shariat and Taraiqat are two ways but their goal is same. His disciple Khawaja Shamsudin Sialvi too earned lot of respect among Punjabi saints. Another disciple of Maharvi was Khawaja Aqil in MithanKot and famous poet Khawaja Ghulam Farid was from his family. Farid was also a lover of Ibn Arabi. In the last pages writer ended his book on Syed Mehr Ali Shah of Golra, Rawalpendi, who was another lover of Ibn Arabi. In 1933, Allama Iqbal got an invitation from abroad to read a paper on Ibn Arabi then Iqbal wrote a letter to Peer Golra Sharief for helping him out. 

Although the book has no index but it enriches you with 1000 years of intellectual and philosophical history of the Punjab and for it we are thankful to the writer and the resilient Punjabi Adabi Board which is consistently fighting against the odds by publishing such books.

Punjab Di Sufiana Rawayat Author Qazi Javed
Pages 160
Reprint 2017,
First published in 1998 Publisher Punjabi Adbi Board 2 Club Road, NirsangDas Garden, the Mall Lahore
Price Rs 250

State of Journalism, Anchor Mafia and Facts: Radio discussion by Journalist leaders

State of Journalism, Anchor Mafia and Facts: Radio discussion by Journalist leaders

Freedom of press is linked with state of journalists in general rather then discomfort of anchor mafia who are earning lucrative money , have special protocols, guards etc. 56% journalists in Lhore are getting less then 22000 monthly salaries while few anchors are getting 2.2 million money. Journalist organizations are divided massively and it is unfortunate. Listen and read what Muhammad Shahbaz Mian two times Ex President & Secretary Lhore Press Club and Abdul Majeed Sajid current Secretary LPC said. 

News link

  ہن صحافت وچ لکھن پڑھن دا کم ہورے کتھے گواچ گیا ہے۔

محلے دی پدر تے جا کے کیبل بند کرانا یا اخبار ڈکنا تے آزادی صحافت وچ رکاوٹ توں وی بھیڑا کم ہے۔
میڈیا وچ ہن کوئی نواں کم کرنا چا رہے نیں جس دا انہاں نوں وی نہیں پتہ تے سانوں وی نہیں جیہڑے بڑے نیڑے توں ویکھدے ہاں۔
صحافیاں دی جتھے بندیاں نریاں دکانداریاں بن چکیاں نیں۔
ایس ویلے پریس کلب ہی نیں جیہڑے صحافیاں لئی کم کر رہے نیں۔ایس پاروں کلباں تے بھار وی ودھ گیا ہے۔

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34060/2018-10-08.html

Link of Radio discussion

https://vocaroo.com/i/s1GKO9EYIBtj