Monday, December 30, 2013

Happy New year from Pakistan: New challenges & old prejudices


Happy New year from Pakistan: New challenges & old prejudices

First ever democratic transition of Pakistan is in its 7th month yet in the presence of For-profit clever media, soldiers of non-elected elite and adolescent political actors, Pakistan is ready to enter in the crumbling 2014. Withdrawal of US (NATO) troops from Durand-line area may be a big scope but multimillion questions is who will hit the ball. In 1809, a British officer Charles Metcalf had visited Lhore where he wanted to sign an agreement. It was beginning of imperial game that started against Napoleon (French), raised against Tsar (Russians) and finally sold smartly to Americans in post lend and lease scenario. The book “Metcalfe’s Mission to Lahore 1808-9” based on Punjab Government Record Office reproduced at Page 22 proposed articles from the British officer to Maharaja Ranjeet Singh. The reference was Metcalfe, No 26, 5th October 1808. There were three proposed articles as follows
1.      Joint action against French incursion.
2.      Military passage through the Punjab and a military depot in the country, if it becomes necessary to advance British troops beyond the Indus.
3.      A British post to be laid through the Punjab, for collection of intelligence about the countries beyond.
Although Maharaja brushed away these articles smartly yet it shows what was in the mind of Empire at that time. Even in his famous minutes of Feb., 2 1835, Lord Macaulay warned the empire from the rise of Russians;
“Another instance may be said to be still before our eyes. Within the last hundred and twenty years, a nation which had previously been in a state as barbarous as that in which our ancestors were before the Crusades has gradually emerged from the ignorance in which it was sunk, and has taken its place among civilized communities. I speak of Russia. There is now in that country a large educated class abounding with persons fit to serve the State in the highest functions, and in nowise inferior to the most accomplished men who adorn the best circles of Paris and London. There is reason to hope that this vast empire which, in the time of our grandfathers, was probably behind the Punjab, may in the time of our grandchildren, be pressing close on France and Britain in the career of improvement.”   Minute by the Hon'ble T. B. Macaulay, dated the 2nd February 1835 http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00generallinks/macaulay/txt_minute_education_1835.html
              
               Rise of Prussian Germany in late 19th century compelled the Empire to manage the home threat first and in haste the empire mischievously carved two lines one at Punjab, Afghanistan and Iran border (Durand line: 1894) and other at China India border (McMahon Line: 1914). It was a tactical arrangement yet after First World War Empire remained busy at domestic fronts.

From more than two centuries this issue is haunting us. No one knows when will it end? Withdrawal of troops should be linked with revival of old trade routes and it needs peace and stability yet some forces are there who want to fulfill their old dreams. In this scenario, we are ready to enter in 2014.  

Wednesday, December 25, 2013

Benazier Bhutto : Victim of international & national politics...@ 6th anniversary





Benazier Bhutto : Victim of international & national politics...@ 6th anniversary

Who killed BB? What were the politics? who were active at International and domestic front? Behind the scene politics of NRO, an ordinance Musharaf released by his own just before his unlawful presidential election. Musharaf himself before October 18th 2007,said that BB did not follow the agreement and coming back by her own. who were negotiators? Why Supreme court allowed a man in uniform to fight presidential election? The story started from 16th May 2006 when both popular leaders signed CoD. Like J F Kennedy , BB death ensured continuity of Pakistani democracy and that is why she is shaheed e jamhoriat.
read it
http://e.dunya.com.pk/detail.php?date=2013-12-26&edition=LHR&id=796377_33374136

Sunday, December 22, 2013

Talibanization: Reality is stronger than ideologies

Talibanization: Reality is stronger than ideologies

Just read the story and rethink about inside reality of rise of extreemism. No matter who is ruling Peshawar, either allience of religio-political parties MMA, secular ANP or now a days PTI, reality is still haunting us. the other lesson is that ban is not a solution but we have to regulate things. read it

Sex, drugs and beards: an afternoon in a Pakistani porn cinema

Three times a day dozens of men pack the auditorium, the air heavy with hashish smoke, to watch graphic sex movies: welcome to the Shama -- a pornographic cinema in Pakistan's Taliban heartland.
For more than 30 years it has supplied erotic fantasies in Peshawar, the main city of northwestern Pakistan which borders the tribal districts that are a haven for Taliban and Al-Qaeda-linked militants.
Click here for full story published in a Malysian Paper

Friday, December 20, 2013

Beware of Inflicted & wreaked History of the Punjab Comments on Raj Mohan Gandhi book


Beware of Inflicted & wreaked History of the Punjab
Comments on Raj Mohan Gandhi book




Beware of Inflicted & wreaked History of the Punjab
Comments on Raj Mohan Gandhi book

These days we are seeing many books on the Punjab. Raj Mohan Gandhi’s new book “Punjab: from Aurangzeb to Mountbatten” is latest yet Ishtiaque Ahmad, Babar Ayaz, Zahore Ahmad Ch also wrote books. The common factor in all these books is there Inflicted & wreaked account regarding History of the Punjab. They consciously or unconsciously followed colonial as well as Congress interpretations of past. I tried to pinpoint it as follows
1.       When they analysis situation of sub continental people they called them Indians and usually reject religious division yet when they analysis the Punjab they extensively relied on religious division and instead of calling them Punjabis they called them Hindus, Sikh or Muslims
2.       When they explain anti colonial resistance they used name of Bahadur Shah Zafar who was taking pension from three generations from the empire. Yet they did not mention Lhore Darbar who resisted Colonial power for 50 years (from 1799 till 1849).
3.       When they analyses Unionist party of the Punjab they used class question but when they analyses Congress they called it Secular. They did not use class question while analyzing Congress.
4.       They called Muslim League a religious political party but they did not object congress who had links with Arya Samajies, RSS, JUH
5.       They did not analyze why colonial rulers had imposed URDU in some frontier forward policy regions like Punjab, Kashmir, Qallat in 19th century.
6.       They have no analyses that why Punjabis disliked Congress during pre-partition elections from 1921 till 1946
7.       They did not object congress policy about banyas
8.       They have no answer of the fact that why Punjabi muslim leader of Khilafat comitee Punjab did not join with congress and formed either their own parties like Ahrar or Itahad e milli or joined Unionists or Muslim League.
9.       Regarding history of the Punjab even so-called post colonialist intellectuals failed to deconstruct colonial scholarship.

These are some stray thoughts which remind us to write an unbiased history of the Punjab. Thanks now u read the piece

Thursday, December 19, 2013

Why hue & cry on Punjab-Punjab talks by libral secular intellectuals?

Why hue & cry on Punjab-Punjab talks by libral secular intellectuals? 

just read this comment first
 his(Shahbaz Sharief) latest trip to New Delhi and his meeting with the Indian prime minister lends credence to the criticism questioning his role in external relations. Shahbaz Sharif seems to have initiated his own agenda seeking to build relations with Indian Punjab.
A joint statement issued after Shahbaz Sharif’s visit to Indian Punjab proposed free movement for academicians, students and interns between the two sides. It was the first such exercise between a Pakistani province and an Indian state. For sure such exchanges can be very positive. But the issue is would the Pakistani government allow other provincial administrations to reach the same kind of agreements with neighbouring provinces or states across the border? Certainly not.
this statement is from none the other but Mr Zahid Hussain of DAWN, published under title "A right royal mess" which can be read at http://www.dawn.com/news/1074749/a-right-royal-mess 
The writer is itself supporter of normalization between India & Pakistan yet when it comes to Punjab then people like him becomes confuse. On the one hand such people critisize Punjab and called him bone of contention in normalization yet when Punjab starts normalization then they have reservations. Zahid Hussain is not alone in this but Delhi and islamabad establishments shares same views. Why they have fears with Punjab to punjab contact? They knew if it hapens then Punjabs will lead in South Asia. 

Tuesday, December 17, 2013

1941 Census of Lhore, Some facts to understand change in politics after 1920s in the Punjab


1941 Census of Lhore, Some facts to understand change in politics after 1920s in the Punjab

In modern scholarship everyone knew the importance of demography. So it has a major rule in analysis either at socio-economic level or political level. It was an assumption that before 1947, Hindu community was 2nd largest after Muslim Punjabis at Lhore yet 1941 census shows that 2nd largest community was Sikh Punjabis. Till 1931, there were only two Muslim majority provinces in India and those were Bengal 52% and the Punjab 56%. No doubt, Sindh, N.W.F.P (now KPK) and Kashmir had Muslim majorities yet   till early 1930s Sindh was under Bombay, N.W.F.P had limited provincial status and Kashmir was a State so unlike Bengal and the Punjab no one had enjoyed continuous election process on limited franchise which had started from 1921 under Chelmsford Reforms. One should remember that voting phenomenon is linked with demographic patrons even in limited franchise. Unlike Hindus, Muslim majority in Punjab was not a colonial phenomenon and Punjabi Muslims had large majority in Lhore Darbar in shape of Muslim Punjabis, Pukhtoons & Kashmiries including Gilgit Baltistan. According to historical record Muslims were included not only in Army, services but also had majority in courts as well as education in Lhore Darbar. Yet British scholarship and then Congress called Lhore Darbar a Sikh rule. Many Muslim and Sikh writers too buy that misleading thesis. It was a reality that Sikh Punjabis had 2nd largest position with respect to Hindu Punjabis in pre-British Punjab. If we read demographic facts we can understand the politics of the Punjab.

Here I just used figures of 1941 census and its district record. In Lhore Muslim Punjabis were above 60%, Sikh Punjabis were 18.3% while Hindu Punjabis were less than 15%. When you gather Scheduled castes & Christian Punjabis there percentage was 7%, almost half in comparison with Punjabi Hindus. Hindus were in minority yet they, thanks to colonial rule, had control on business. Things started changing when Chelmsford introduced voting phenomenon at provincial level. Like Iqbal, Mian Sir Fazl e Husain & Mian Shafi , Laldin Qaiser, Ch Afzal Haq, Mollana Mazhar Ali were among those who had an eye on it. Congress was in alliance with Arya Smajis So Punjabi Muslims either formed their own parties or joined Unionist Party of the Punjab or then All India Muslim League. How demography influenced us is an example to understand politics. for the piece click here



Monday, December 16, 2013

Critical review : Whats wrong with Pakistan


Critical review : Whats wrong with Pakistan
both published and editted reviews r there. read and enjoy
published one is there at
http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/12/15/dna-magazine/dna-issue-2/

What’s wrong with Machiavellian Scholarship?
Aamir Riaz
The difference between rhetoric and scholarship is creativity but these days we often brazen out with books full of rhetoric & oratory. True scholarship is neither a chronology of incidents nor a memory test for the readers yet it coerces readers to consider ‘out of the box’ elucidations. That is why it is always said that originality is essence while creativity is soul for a scholarship. Comprehending a process from mere results or ends is an old Machiavellian way in which conclusions are always used to explain the past. Keeping in view some admired popular books with catching titles published in last 5 to 8 years under influence of post 9/11 scenario, penned by media men, ambassadors, new born professors etc one can easily differentiate between rhetoric and scholarship. Some years back, a Pakistani born Swedish scholar met me and he was doing his investigation on a project relating to the partition of the subcontinent. He wanted to interview people who had witnessed the partition. Through a mutual friend I positioned two old people, one, a Hakim by profession had association with Ahrar& Congress, while the second one who worked in DC office Gurdaspur at the time of partition, had an inclination towards the Muslim League. An assortment of questions revealed the anger as well as preconceived ideas of the professor. Biased and affronted inquires for the supporter of ML while half volleys for the pro congress person were visible and strange. After some time, his book was published and is an example of Machiavellian scholarship. The issue is not opinion but its conduct. Linking the rise of Taliban or religious extremism with creation of Pakistan is an old fashion joke and from Mr. Kanji Dawarkads (Ten years to freedom.Pub.1966, Bombay) till Jaswant Singh (Jinnah: India, Partition, Independence Pub.2010) many Congress leaders and Indians have themselves deconstructed that saga elegantly. I will not refer Patrick French, Peter Clark, A. G. Noorani,H. M. Seervai, AyshaJallal& Ian Talboat here as readers have access to their writings well. But in Pakistan we still have followers of that myth and the book “What’s Wrong with Pakistan” by Babar Ayaz (pub. Hay House India, 2013) is the best example to understand it. No doubt, the author used new references in this work yet in many cases he missed important foot notes too. He quoted at page 216, about a severe pressure from the owner to down play success story of the Geneva Accord (1988) on an Editorial of a leading Pakistani English newspaper. While commenting on the past, the author often did not bother to give any reference in support for his argument which is very strange. At page 108, author claimed that in 1951, out of total 95 federal government bureaucrats 40 were from Punjab. At that time the total population share of Punjab was 27.7%. On the other hand, out of a total of the 95 bureaucrats, 33 were Mohajirs (Urdu speaking) who represented merely 3% Pakistanis. Although there is not any reference of this claim in this book yet even these reduced & twisted figures showed Mohajir domination in early years. Those officers had no love for Urdu or Urdu speakers but they used those identities quite smartly for a strong centre. There is not any comparison between the two where 3% had 33 seats but the author is reluctant to mention them. However, he has the liberty to call it Punjabi domination. This is the mindset which needs your attention. Similarly at the same page, he says that till 1959, among top military elite, 35% were Punjabis and 40% were Pukhtoons. At this point, the author refers Dr. Tariq Rehman, but fails to mention any reference from his book or paper.  He extensively used statements issued in the form of specific political propaganda from Mollana Abdul Kalam Azad till Altaf Hussein of MQM against the creation of Pakistan in support of his thesis. Even in acknowledgements he shared his mindset as “My diagnosis is that Pakistan has a genetic defect.”  Just imagine, in such a way, consciously or unconsciously that liberal progressive author is supporting Taliban’s thesis. Interestingly such scholarship suited jihadi scholars very much. That is why both refer each other in their respective literature, articles and books extensively. Recently grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, Raj Mohan Gandhi too followed that technique in his latest book “Punjab: A history from Aurangzeb to Mountbatten” (Published by ALPEH, new Delli, 2013). Ironically, both groups did not want to mention Cabinet mission plan (May 1946) because that metamorphosis expose these concocted stories. Abdul kalam Azad, self claimed real author of the plan (India wins freedom) had no courage to show his balls at that important juncture of history. Had he joined Jinnah (the supporter) things would be very different. It was a momentous flash in which Azad had an opportunity to demonstrate his opinionated expediency yet he awfully failed. After the Cabinet mission proposals one can neither blame British government who gave CMP in mid 1946 nor to Jinnah who accepted the plan which was against strong centre & partition. It was the first plan in favor of provincial autonomy (three ministries for centre and rest for provinces) yet leaders like G M Syed, GhousBakshBazenjo and Khan Abdul Ghaffar khan did not joined Jinnah at that time but followed the fate of AZAD. So the author, like jihadies and nationalists remained reluctant to address CMP extensively in the book.
364 pages book is divided in six parts and 34 chapters which is an interesting study itself. The book and its praise published in the press is another study for student of history, sociology & anthropology. From Pakistan movement, objective resolution, till Zia and post zia times, author tries to cover 65 years yet his emphasis remains there to establish the “defect”. But in this operation he is selective enough and tried to save some special people as usual. At page 145, regarding Objective resolution he said “They (Islamists) pushed the weak Liaquat Ali Khan government in accepting the objective resolution”. So he smartly not only pin pointing Islamists but also saving Liaqat& Co and ICS officers who used that hammer for centralization in their specific institutional interest. It was finance Minister Ghulam Muhammad of Mochi gate Lahore who opposed that move timely yet Liaqat Ali Khan, MoulviTammezudin Khan (Speaker), Ch Muhammad Ali, Mollana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Sir Zufrullah Khan, Abdur RabNishtar were its staunch supporters and did speeches too at that moment in the assembly. In the house of 75 members, only 31 participated in the historic voting, 10 against and 21 in favor. In his interview, Ch Nazier, Minister for industries of Liaqat criticized openly Ghulam Muhammad for opposing Objective resolution by tooth and nail. The interview is included in a book “Quaid e Azamkayrufqa say mulaqateen” penned by Syed Zulqarnain Zaidi under the instructions of K.K Aziz during mid 1970s and published by National Institute of history and Culture Islamabad in 1989. Even the powerful editor Dawn, Altaf Husain and Mollana Maudodi were among the non State supporters of objective resolution.
Nourishment of Jihadi mindset is another theme which got author’s attention very much but instead of checking it in post 1965 Pak-India cold war, he as usual love to find it somewhere else. He criticized secular NAP for abstaining at 2nd amendment but did not raise question regarding Islamic laws imposed in N.W.F.P by NAP’s handpick CM of JUI in 1972.  In Fact, from Indian defeat of 1961 by China till breakage of Pakistan in 1971, Pakistan and India shared a decade of defeatist nationalisms (1961-1971) which jeopardize both States from within and strengthen their reliance on non state actors. Indian left leader Mrs Shabnam Hashmi accepted that fact in 2004 when she visited Lahore and krishan kumhar mentioned rise of defeatist nationalism & anti peace mindset during early 1960s  in his famous book “Pride & Prejudice: school histories of the freedom struggle in India and Pakistan” Published in 2002 by penguin.  
But writer has no interest in such facts because it restricted his thesis of ‘genetic defect’. On the one hand author is against military dictatorship and criticized General Zia but in the same book instead of criticizing general Musharaf, another military dictator, Karachi based author is drawing similarities between Jinnah, the founder and dictator Musharaf. The book written & published in haste so have many errors, incomplete sentences and even wrong foot notes. Like Hussein Haqqani, the author himself buys the thesis of islamists. Timing of the publication is very important so one should read this book in order to understand the mindset.
Book What’s wrong with Pakistan
Author Babar Ayaz
Publisher Hay House India
Pages 364
Date of publication May 2013
Price 1295
Sole distributors in Pakistan READINGS Lahore






Sunday, December 15, 2013

16th December 1971: دسمبر کا جھٹکا

16th December 1971: دسمبر کا جھٹکا

حد تو یہ ہے کہ 1970 کے انتخابات سے قبل مولانا بھاشانی کو انتخابات کا بائیکاٹ کرنے پر کس نے مجبور کیا تھا؟
مولانا بھاشانی مجیب الرحمن کے برعکس مشرقی و مغربی پاکستان دونوں میں انتخابات لڑ رہے تھے۔ جو کچھ 1971 کے فوجی آپریشن کے دوران ہوا اس بارے حمودالرحمن رپورٹ اور کے کے عزیز کی کتاب اہم ترین دستاویزات ہیں۔
بیگم عزیز کے بقول اس رپورٹ کی دستاویزات 39 ڈبوں میں محفوظ تھیں جنھیں کے کے عزیز کو پڑھنے اور ایک کتاب لکھنے کا حکم بھٹو صاحب نے دیا تھا۔ مگر وہ کتاب قدرت اللہ شہاب کی وجہ سے کبھی نہ چھپ سکی۔ بیگم صاحبہ کا مضمون بائیں بازوں کے رسالے عوامی جمہوری فورم نے اپنے شمارہ نمبر 49 میں چھاپا تھا۔
Mohit Sen was a West Bengali comrade and regarding 16th December events he recorded what was happening between Bharat, Pakistan and Moscow during those days. His autobiographical account  “A Traveler & the road”  published by Rupa, 2003 is not only non formal history of so-called revolutionary CPI but also a record of many important events including1.      Why Communists failed in India and Congress , Muslim League like parties got people’s attention, in 1930s and 1940s
2.      Why Indian communists oppose quit india movement and its impacts
3.      After becoming part of planned war (cold war between USSR & USA) how Russian state deviated. In 1943, Russians broke third international and founded Com-in-Form in which Marxism was subservient to Russian nationalism
4.      Why sajjad zahier was engaged with All India Muslim league and opposed not only S.C.Bose but also supported British war efforts from 1942-46
5.      How smartly Moscow side lined P.C.Joshi in early 1940s who was a diehard pro-congress communist and not ready to linked with New Line. So Moscow supported Randhivay and then in 1952, Moscow again supported P C Joshi and acted against Randhivay.
6.      Defeat id India or bharat by China in 1961 war
7.      Russian Chinese conflict and sectarianism among Indian communists on the basis of pro-china and pro-USSR
8.      Divided role of USSR polite Buru regarding India-USSR pact and support of Indian Army intervention in East Pakistan during early 1971. USSR foreign minister Andree Gromyko said if we did the pact then it would be taken as our involvement in the breakage of Pakistan and then in reaction Pakistan would go negative and in nutshell the whole region would move to destruction. Yet Berzinive  and Kosygin were in favour of the pact.
Although there is an ample room for disagreement with Sen yet he recorded many things too. It is a must book for South asian comrades to read. Thanks to Ajoy Roy, a communist from East Pakistan whom I met in Bengladesh in 2009. I published his interview in Awami Jamhori forum available online too. He gave me the gift of that book after knowing my critical views regarding left parties or leaders."Sen was born into a progressive and westernized Brahmo Samaj family. His father, Justice Amarendra Nath Sen, was a judge of the Calcutta High Court and his mother, Mrinalini Sen (née Sinha), was an eminent dancer. His paternal grandfather was an Advocate General of Burma. His maternal grandfather was Major N.P. Sinha, a member of the Indian Medical Service and his mother's elder uncle was Lord Satyendra Prasanno Sinha, the first Indian Governor of Bihar. On his mother's side he came from the zamindari family of Raipur in Birbhum, a district in present day West Bengal. While in Cambridge, in 1948, he joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) as a 'candidate-member'. Also in Cambridge he met and married Vanaja Iyengar, who became an eminent mathematician later, in 1950. After marriage the couple moved to the People’s Republic of China. Sen went to theChina International Communist School in Beijing between 1950 to 1953. After his return to India, Mohit Sen worked in the CPI central office in New Delhi and also for its publishing house during 1953-62. Later he became party organizer and teacher in Andhra Pradesh.
Until this year (1955) the Communist Party was saying that Indian people were not independent; they even opposed our National Day celebrations.... They also said that when they were in doubt about the right line of action, they had to get directions from the Soviet Union. Early in 1951-52, some principal leaders of the Communist Party went to Moscow secretly, that is without passports. They came back and said that they had got directions from Mr. Joseph Stalin
. At least this is what they said. The line then laid down was one of full opposition (to the Government) and, where possible, petty insurrections."Regarding 16th December two documents are very important, one is Humdur Rehman Report (Orignal) 39 boxes and other is late K k Aziz book unpublished due to Qudrat ullah shahab. Begum K K aziz recorded that story in an article I published in AJForum also available online.
Correction in the article
Mohit sen recorded a fact about some socialist countries that did not support Indian army intervention and these were Yugoslavia, Vietnam and Romania yet in the urdu dawn article, by mistake some wrong names are published
Now u can read the two page story at

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دلچسپ تضاد یہ ہے کہ جو 1947 والی تقسیم کے خلاف تھے وہ آج نئی تقسیم میں حصہ دار تھے جبکہ جنھیں 1947 کی تقسیم بھاتی تھی وہ آج ناخوش تھے۔ ہندوستانی و پاکستانی قوم پرستوں نے ان دونوں تقسیموں کے بعد "باہر والوں" پر الزام لگا کر اپنی جان چھڑانے پر اکتفا کو "قومی مفاد" قرار دیا۔
1947 کی تقسیم کے بعد ہندوستانی قوم پرستوں نے اقبال و جناح اور انگریزوں پر سارا "ملبہ" ڈالنا ضروری گردانا تو 1971 کے بعد مغربی پاکستان کے جیالوں نے مجیب الرحمن اور ہندوستانی و روسی لابی ہی کو اس کارستانی کا محرک قرار دے کر تبرا کیا۔
'باہر والوں' کو مجرم قرار دے کر اپنا رانجھا راضی کرنا وہ روایت ہے جسے عرف عام میں 'بلی کو دیکھ کر کبوتر کا آنکھیں بند کرنا' سے مماثلث دی جا سکتی ہے۔
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1971 کے دنوں میں موہیت سین سینئر کامریڈ راجیشور راﺅ کے نزدیک تھے۔ یہ وہی راجیشور راﺅ تھے جو سویت پولٹ بیورو، اندرا گاندھی اور سی پی آئی کے درمیان رابطے کا کام بھی کرتے تھے۔ راجیشور راﺅ کے حوالے سے اپنی کتاب کے صفحہ 312 سے 320 کے درمیان 16 دسمبر کی کہانی لکھی ہے جو یہ پتہ دیتی ہے کہ ہندوستان سے معاہدہ کرنے اور مشرقی بنگالیوں کو ہندوستانی مدد دینے کے حوالہ سے روسی پولیٹ بیورو بھی منقسم تھی۔
وہ کامریڈ جو اس 'معاہدہ و مدد' کو غلط قدم سمجھتے تھے ان کی قیادت کوئی اور نہیں بلکہ روسی وزیرخارجہ آندرے گرومیکو کر رہے تھے۔ موہیت سین کے بقول گرومیکو سمجھتے تھے اس معاہدہ کا مطلب 'پاکستان توڑنے' میں روسی مدد ہی لیا جائے گا اور اس سے پاکستان میں نہ صرف ردعمل بڑھے گا بلکہ خطے کا امن بھی برباد ہو جائے گا۔ وہ مشرقی پاکستان کے بنگالیوں کی اخلاقی مدد کے حق میں تھے۔ البتہ روسی وزیراعظم کوسجن اور جنرل سیکرٹری بریژنیف کو گرومیکو سے اختلاف تھا اور یوں گرومیکو کی بات نہ مانی گئی۔ ایسے ہی ویت نام، چیکو سلواکیہ اور بلغاریہ سے سمجھتے تھے کہ ہندوستانی فوجوں کو کسی بھی صورت بین الاقوامی سرحد کو عبور نہیں کرنا چاہیے۔

Wednesday, December 11, 2013

Missing person case: who is fighting with whom






Missing person case: who is fighting with whom
A complex Case which is essetial but needs little care . 
This article was written two days back .


قانون کی حکمرانی وہ خواب ہے جسے لبرل دانشوروں نے 18 ویں صدی کے آخری عشروں سے اپنے ایمان کا جزو بنایا ہوا ہے۔
مقابلے میں ترقی پسندوں کا یہ استدلال ہے کہ جس معاشرے میں حد سے زیادہ طبقاتی تفریق ہوگی وہاں قانون کی حکمرانی کا خواب ہمیشہ ادھورا ہی رہے گا۔ اپنے انتونیوگرامچی کا باکمال تجزیہ اگر آپ نے پڑھا ہو تو شاید آپ بھی ترقی پسندوں کی دلیلوں کے قائل ہو جائیں۔
جزائر انڈیمان (رنگون) یعنی کالا پانی اور "گوانتا نامو" حراستی مرکز تو مشہور ہیں مگر 18 ویں سے 21 ویں صدی تک جانے کتنے ہی مراکز انڈونیشیا، ملائیشیا سے لے کر درجنوں جزیروں پر مختلف طاقتیں بناتی رہی ہیں جن کی موجودگی انگریز، فرانسیسی اور امریکی لبرل حکمرانوں کے من پسند نعرے "قانون کی حکمرانی" کی تکریم کو گھٹاتے رہے ہیں۔
ان حراستی مراکز کی موجودگی اس حقیقت کی طرف اشارے کرتی ہے کہ تادم تحریر بڑے بڑے ممالک میں بھی ایجنسیاں پارلیمان یا منتخب اداروں کی سو فی صد طابع نہیں ہیں۔
For full article click here
http://urdu.dawn.com/news/1000554/10dec13-missing-persons-case-aamir-riaz-aq


Wednesday, December 4, 2013

Social media: can we resist this Change?

Last week in a Alternative Media conference, shared my view regarding the new media. It was organized by HBF Pakistan chapter who moved from Lhore to Islamabad recently. Then i wrote a piece in Dunya newspaper. read both and enjoy

How new media effects political culture
People’s perspective
(For discussion)

Aamir Riaz

Controlling a society or individual is an ancient desire. From tribal and religious institutions till the birth of Nation States, religious leaders, bureaucrats’ bala bala want to control our minds. From family to State, it has numerous faces but its epicenter is THE CONTROL. By default Creativity & innovation (especially knowledge & technology) are against the CONTROL.



From slave civilizations till the era of Nation States , we the inhabitants of the world are wandering in search of Freedom and till to date we are not ready to compromise on it. The new media is linked with individual freedom and that is why we are celebrating it.
The train and telegram were 19th century devices while the radio, television was introduced to the public domain in the 20th century and the internet, Facebook, YouTube, mobile apps, tablets, kindle, blogging bala bala are all advents of the 21st century.
Till the first half of 20th century, by & large, print media had enjoyed the status of being the sole catalyst agent in the world, but, with the introduction of new technology and new inventions, by the second half of the 20th Century electronic media had taken over that role by quite an extent. Now in the 21st century social media (digital world) has snatched the place of print as well as electronic media. Unlike print and electronic media this new media (social media) is interactive, accessible, and environmental friendly and all the more relatively freer from the interests and pressures of business tycoons and heavy baggage of Nation States.
Like political parties, it has to rely on the Public at large and one can call this, a media ‘of the people, by the people and for the people.’ Neither an iron curtain nor a filthy rich capitalist or super power can restrict it. As there is no segregation in the name of religion, ideology, nationalism or any social binding so at social media everyone can interact.
Since the early 1990s, political parties in Pakistan have used internet to expand their propaganda and this use has only increased since the beginning of the 21st century. The start of this century has marked the use of the internet by every political party in Pakistan. They have been using social media, sometimes as a party policy and in many cases political workers and individuals using it as an independent political act. Just 30 years ago, mainstream print and electronic media were under strict governmental control, so political parties or their workers had rely on wall chalking, posters, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets, unregistered magazines, but now in this digital world with the ‘blessings’ of social media they have not only new spaces but these spaces are in the use of youth. Pakistan is passing through youth bulge and through the social media political parties are developing their inroads in the youth. Either we like it or not but these new trends are nurturing a new political culture in which individuals have unprecedented powers and freedom.
In short, the social media has created new spaces at social & political front and engaged youth with high politics. It has connected the youth not only with the international community but also helping them to understand social, cultural, linguistic, economic & political diversity . From the people’s perspective emergence of this new media is important and it is another form of alternative media.
Last not the least
During 20th century knowledge & technology were under the subordination of Nation state. During hot, cold and proxy wars under “liberal interpretations” Nation states have expanded their CONTROL immensely not only within societies but also in different continents. But 21st century is an era of globalization. So theories like regional inter-dependencies and soft borders are knocking at our doors. It is neither end of History nor Clash of civilizations but beginning of the end of CONTROL. Social media is representing this change. As it is in teens so it is enjoying all teenage disadvantages too.


SOME LESSONS

No one can monopolize it
No breaking news culture
No one way traffic
No anchor
Facility to unfriend people
More faster than electronic media
Facility to report abuse



Thursday, November 28, 2013

Turks, Turky , Babar's biography and knowldge about our lands

Turks, Turky , Babar's biography and knowldge about our lands

READ HERE
http://urdu.dawn.com/news/1000268//1

Opium Trade & Afghanistan..All Players are pro-active

Opium Trade & Afghanistan..All Players are pro-active

In 1852, after annexation of the Punjab (1849) , it was British government who launched opium war from Burma. Use of opium as as old as these lands and from Burma, China till Afghanistan it was used extensively in medicine too. till 1979, no one knew about Heroin yet after 1979, extraction of Heroin started and it became multi billion dollar trade. Who were the player in it? it is another big part of afghan conflict and from charlie Wilson war till Ahmad Rasheed book we can know impact of heroine trade. read and enjoy



http://e.dunya.com.pk/detail.php?date=2013-11-27&edition=LHR&id=741207_87802140


Friday, November 22, 2013

Politics of drones & sectarianism




Politics of drones & sectarianism
2014 is knocking, national and international players are proactive. Using sectarianism and drone strikes by opponent groups  is visible. No doubt Pakistan can provide a safe passage to NATO forces either from KPK or Balochistan but in the presence of drone strike and  sectarian fire no one can grantee safe exit at all. Issue is neither straight nor simple yet some forces are portraying it in black & white. During 1953, 1977 & 1999 non elected elite used religious sentiments smartly in Pakistan. Keep an eye on all power players, either internal or external who are proactive these days. As the game is complex, so we common people should stay away from it. read it
  http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/30242/2013-11-23.html

Wednesday, November 20, 2013

When English annexed Afghanistan: A Story of three year 1839-42

When English annexed Afghanistan: A Story of three year 1839-42
Usually it is considered that no one ever conquer Afghanistan and FATA areas yet historical facts denied that imagined theory. In reality, that theory was spread under post 1894 political scenario. Afghanistan was a Mughal province not only during Akbar and auranzeab times, FATA was under Lhore Darbar and even British forces conquered Afghanistan too. Just read the story and enjoy

 http://urdu.dawn.com/2013/11/20/when-afghanistan-was-game-for-british-aamir-riaz-aq/

انگریزوں کا افغانستان

Wednesday 20 November 2013
2
سیکنڈ اینگلو-افغان وار، بیٹل آف قندہار  -- وکی میڈیا کامنز
سیکنڈ اینگلو-افغان وار، بیٹل آف قندہار — وکی میڈیا کامنز
عام طور پر بڑھک تو یہی ماری جاتی ہے کہ افغانستان اور قبائلی علاقے یعنی فاٹا کبھی کسی کے زیر تسلط نہیں رہے مگر تاریخ کے مطالعہ سے معلوم ہوتا ہے کہ ڈیورینڈ لائن بنانے کے بعد اس تھیوری کو بڑی مہارت سے بوجوہ پھیلایا گیا۔
انیسویں  صدی سے جاری برطانیہ-روس سرد جنگ (دی گریٹ گیم) ہو یا پھر بیسویں صدی کی امریکہ-روس سرد جنگ، اس تھیوری کو پھیلانے والوں میں باہر والے، قوم پرست اور جہادی سبھی پیش پیش رہے۔
کابل مغلوں کا اک صوبہ رہا اور کنڑ، باجوڑ اور خیبر کے خان، مہاراجہ رنجیت سنگھ کے “لہور دربار” سے نا صرف تعلقات رکھتے تھے بلکہ مراعات بھی لیتے رہے اور باج (ٹیکس) بھی دیتے رہے، یہ کہانی قیام پاکستان سے محض 107 سال پرانی ہی ہے۔ اس سے بھی پہلے سکندر اعظم اورنادر شاہ سرزمین افغانستان کو جی بھر کے روند چکے تھے جو سب تاریخ کا حصّہ ہے.
اس وقت ان تین سالوں کا ذکر مقصود ہے جب کابل و قندھار انگریزی فوجوں کی پریڈ دیکھتے رہے تھے۔ یہ 1839 سے 1842 کا زمانہ تھا کہ جب انگریزوں نے احمد شاہ ابدالی کے پوتے شاہ شجاعکی حمایت کا ارادہ کیا اور اسے کابل کے تخت پر بٹھانے کے لیے فوجوں کا رخ کابل و قندھار کی طرف کر دیا۔
مہاراجہ رنجیت سنگھ کے انتقال یعنی 27 جون 1839 کے دو ماہ بعد ہی انگریز کابل پر شاہ شجاع کو بٹھا چکے تھے جبکہ کابل کا حکمران دوست محمد خان بارک ذئی بامیان کے راستے پہلے بخارا گیا اور جب وہاں مدد نہ ملی تو پھر پنجاب سے ہوتا ہوا لدھیانہ انہی انگریزوں کے پاس پناہ گزین ہوا جنہوں نے اس کی حکومت ختم کی تھی۔
تاریخ میں اسے “پہلی انگریز-افغان جنگ کے عنوان سے یاد کیا جاتا ہے۔ مگر انگریزوں کے ہمراہ اسی جنگ میں بے شمار افغاں سردار اور قبائلی علاقوں کے “خان” تھے لہٰذا اسے اینگلو افغان جنگ کہنا بھی مزید غلط فہمیوں کو جنم دینے کا ‘بہانہ’ ہی لگتا ہے۔
اس جنگ سے قبل انگریزوں نے ایک ‘سہ ملکی معاہدہ’ کیا تھا جس میں لہور دربار، شاہ شجاع اور کمپنی بہادر شامل تھے۔ شاہ شجاع 1802 سے 1809 تک افغانستان کا پادشاہ رہا تھا اور اس کے بعد سے وہ پنجابی سکھوں اور انگریزوں کی مدد سے کابل کا تخت دوبارہ حاصل کرنے میں جتا رہا۔
1809 سے مہاراجہ کئی بار انگریزوں کی فوج کو افغانستان پر حملہ کے لیے پنجاب سے گذرنے کی اجازت دینے سے انکار کرتا رہا تھا۔ مگر اس دوران افغانستان کے بادشاہ ‘لہور دربار’ سے تعلقات بہتر بنانے میں کبھی سنجیدہ نہ ہوئے بلکہ پشاور اور ملحقہ علاقوں پر قبضے کے بہانے تراشتے رہے۔ پشاور میں دوست محمد خان کا بھائی سلطان محمد خان حکمران تھا مگر وہ بھی ‘لہور دربار’ کے ساتھ تھا۔
1839 کے وسط میں کلکتہ اور بمبئی سے انگریز فوج بمعہ رائل بنگال آرمی، سندھ کی طرف بھیجی گئی جسے سندھ کے تالپوروں اور قلات کے خان نے مدد فراہم کی۔ شاہ شجاع سندھ میں ان کا منتظر تھا اور یہ جنگی قافلہ قندھار کو چل دیا۔ تاریخ اسے ‘فوج سندھ’ کے نام سے یاد کرتی ہے۔
دوسری طرف وائسرائے آک لینڈ (ابھی تک پنجاب و کشمیر پر قبضہ نہیں ہوا تھا اس لیے یہ صاحب وائسرائے ہند کی بجائے سرکاری طور پر “وائسرائے آف بنگال” ہی کہلاتے تھے) شاہ شجاع کے بیٹے تیمور شاہ کو لے کر لاہور سے کابل کی طرف روانہ ہوئے۔
پشاور سے قبائلی علاقہ تک بہت سے پختون اس میں شامل ہوئے۔ مہاراجہ نے معاہدہ میں طے کروا لیا تھا کہ انگریزوں کو “لہور دربار” عسکری مدد فراہم نہیں کرے گا اور شاہ شجاع کابل کے تخت پر بیٹھنے کے بعد فاٹا تک “لہور دربار” کی عملداری تسلیم کر لے گا۔
انگریزوں سے یہ بھی تسلیم کروایا گیا تھا کہ انگریزی لشکر کابل جاتے یا واپس آتے ہوے لہور دربار کے علاقوں میں کسی قسم کی قتل و غارت گری یا لوٹ مار نہیں کریں گے۔
مشہور زمانہ دلی کالج میں زیرتعلیم شہامت علی وہ طالب علم تھا جو بطور فارسی مترجم اس مہم میں وائسرائے کے ہمراہ تھا۔ اس کی کتاب “سکھ اور افغان” (انگریزی) میں اس جنگ کی تفصیلات درج ہیں۔ کنگھم، سٹین بیچ، موہن لال کشمیری اور دیبی پرشاد نے بھی اس واقعہ کی تفصیلات اپنی کتب میں درج کی ہیں۔ موہن لال کشمیری تو شہامت علی کا کلاس فیلو بھی تھا۔ دلی کالج سے ایسے نوجوان طلباء کو انگریزی سفارتی مشنوں کے لیے چنا جاتا تھا جو فارسی اور انگریزی میں مہارتیں رکھتے تھے۔
شاہ شجاع کو انگریزی مدد سے کابل کے تخت پر تو بٹھا دیا گیا اور افغانستان 1842 تک انگریزوں کے زیرتسلط بھی رہا مگر اس دوران دونوں “لہور دربار” کے تحفظات کو بھول گئے۔ دیبی پرشاد نے 1850 میں تاریخ پنجاب لکھی اور اس میں لکھا کہ 1841 سے دوست محمد خان کے حواریوں کو اٹک اور پنڈی میں پناہ گاہیں مل چکی تھیں اور اب انہوں نے پنجاب میں بیٹھ کر شاہ شجاع کو ہتھل کرنا شروع کر دیا۔
انگریزی فوج کو جب بلوچستان سے افغانستان جانا پڑا تھا تو اس کا بہت نقصان ہوا تھا اور اب کابل میں حکومت کو برقرار رکھنے میں بھی وہ اس ہی  لیے ناکام تھے کہ “لہور دربار” ان کے ساتھ نہیں تھا۔
بس تین سال میں انگریزی فوج کا جو نقصان ہوا تو اسے پسپائی اختیار کرنی پڑی۔ اب انہوں نے لدھیانہ مقیم دوست محمد خان کو دوبارہ اقتدار میں لانے کا فیصلہ کیا۔ چنانچہ ایک ‘غیرتمند اچھے بادشاہ’ کی طرح دوست محمد خان پنجاب آۓ اور پھر یہاں سے 1843 میں دوبارہ کابل کے تخت پر جا بیٹے۔
اس کہانی میں کئی اہم سبق ہیں اور کچھ ایسے زمینی حقائق بھی جن کو سمجھنا آج ہم سب کے لیے ضروری ہے۔
پنجاب پر 1849 میں قبضہ کے بعد جب انگریزوں نے یہاں سے فوج بھرتی کرنی تھی تو پنجابیوں، پٹھانوں کو “مارشل ریس” یعنی جنگجو نسل قرار دیا گیا۔ ایسے ہی 1894 میں ڈیورینڈ لائن بنانے کے بعد جب قبائلی علاقہ کو سرد جنگی پالیسی کے تحت بطور “بفر زون” استعمال کرنا تھا تو یہ تھیوری پھیلا دی گئی کہ اس علاقہ پر تو کبھی کوئی قابض نہیں ہوا۔
تفاخر اور تعصب کو استعمال کرنا انھیں آتا بھی خوب ہے اور ہم ہیں کہ آج تک اسی تفاخر اور تعصب کو گلے لگائے بیٹھے ہیں۔ 2014 کو سامنے رکھتے ہوئے اگر اس تعصب و تفاخر سے پرے رہ کر سوچ بچار کی جائے تو ہم خطہ کو امن و استحکام کی راہ پر ڈالنے کی راہ دوبارہ دریافت کر سکتے ہیں۔

aamir profile pic555
عامر ریاض لہور میں رہتے ہیں۔ تعلیم، بائیں بازو کی سیاست، تاریخ ہند و پنجاب ان کے خصوصی موضوعات ہیں۔

Punjab & Iqbal

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