Let us Revisit the Narratives: Struggle for Constitution & Democracy and our Extremism Formative Years (1947-56)

Lok Lhar Radio Show Monday 26 September, 2016 ONLY @ Mast FM 103

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Let us revisit the narratives

Struggle for Constitution & Democracy & our Extremism

Formative Years (1947-56)

Guest: Dr Yaqoob Bangash and Dr saeed ur Rahman
: Yaqoob Bangash Historian ..currently working on a monograph on the imagination of Pakistan as a country after its creation, using the debates of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan (1947—56) as primary material

Dr Bangash completed his BA from the University of Notre Dame, IN, USA, and his DPhil from the University of Oxford. Currently, Dr Bangash is head of Humanities and Social Sciences and Director at the Center for Governance and Policy at the Information Technology University, Lahore, Pakistan.

Radio recording of the Program Lok Lhar ..Click HERE

Fortunately, all parliamentary debates are available online since 10th August 1947 to date (http://www.na.gov.pk/en/debates.php). We can even read the debates regarding defense spending in the session on April 4, 1956. Digitization of the assembly record for public use is the most important progressive step taken in Pakistan since its birth.

There are different interpretations regarding formative years and it is essential to revisit those  narratives. It is important to understand strengths and weaknesses of government and opposition and find why we failed to make constitution and when after 9 years we made constitution and its elections were due why General Ayub imposed dictatorship. How nexus of Sikandar Mirza and Ayub Khan played a game of musical chair by removing and selecting numerous PMs. 

What was the concept of State of Mohammad Ali Jinnah?

Was religion base nation building a choice of Jinnah or it was a post jinnah coinage ?

Why PM Liaqat Ali Khan remained reluctant to make constitution?

What was the Politics of Objective Resolution and role of different players?

How Fear of elections...Fear of majority.....played vital role?

Who used issue of corruption against political opponents first time ?

What are the impacts of Using religion as a weapon to settle political goals?

Centralized mindset and using Islam and Urdu as its pillars?

Rejection of First Draft of constitution at 21st May 1950 by the PM himself?

Imposing Urdu as Sole National Language in 1952 by Khwaja Nazmudin and reaction from Bengalis?

Bengali as Co-national Language ...a tricky demand of Jugto Front ?

Was 2nd Constitutional Assembly more representative and how they finally made 1956 constitution?

How Ayub & Mirza nexus played a bad role? 

Old Flawed Narrative & Pakistan: What Next after Zarb e Azab & NAP?

Old Flawed Narrative & Pakistan 

What Next after Zarb e Azab & NAP?

Defenders of old flawed thesis are proactive these days partly due to the fear of 2018 2nd historic democratic transition in Pakistan and partly due to their misleading narratives. Their international partners are those who are against Chinese investments especially CPEC etc. Their lethal alliance is visible and they are ready to use every tiny conflict in this regard. Their latest love is Rao Anwaar yet in recent past they used extension issue, Western Route Issue, Orange Train Issue but they did not ever question relationship between Smuggling and Terrorism especially in Durandline adjacent districts.   Khaled Ahmad wrote a new book and it is a fine effort to deconstruct old flawed narrative. Khaled’s book is a light study for new comers, students but like “Indian Summer” written by Alex Von Tunzeliman it give you some unusual information too. This book will definitely increase your thirst for history & politics and you can well understand why author called it “Sleepwalking to surrender” but now it is up to new researchers to find linkages of that sleepwalking with geo-politics.

Book is available at Readings, Lhore

Read the Review of the book Published in The news of Sunday by Clicking Here

Often we perceive situations in black and white without realising how reality exists in the grey. In philosophical thought, thesis, anti-thesis and synthesis help us understand a proposition. But in a black and white scenario, one tends to emphasise either on thesis or anti-thesis rather than synthesis. In South Asia, thanks to centralised colonial thinking patterns, the monolithic approach is the order of the day. From textbooks to media and from literature to politics, we often witness interpretations of official narrative. That is why in post-colonial societies, authority runs even in intellectual circles.

Pakistan is fortunate that way because we had visible spaces against court historians not only in politics but also in literature from day one. It has helped Pakistan in many ways and Khaled Ahmed is one among the writers who are known for their anti-thesis approach. His contribution is useful because in the absence of anti-thesis, it is impossible to move towards synthesis.

Like his previous books and writings, Ahmed has in this latest work,Sleepwalking to Surrender: Dealing with Terrorism in Pakistan, captured events that are often ignored in our official narrative. You may disagree with the interpretations but you cannot deny the facts.

A REVIEW OF KHALEED AHMAD BOOK SECTARIAN WAR Published in July 2011

A chapter in his new book ‘A Council of Runaway Ideology’ provides a fresh analysis on CII and its linkages with the security establishment in Pakistan. He strongly criticises General Ziaul Haq and the Council of Islamic Ideology (CII): “Zia rejected Allama Iqbal’s view of Ijtihad(reinterpretation) and not only imposed the cutting of hands for the theft but also fired the then CII’s chairman in order to impose stoning to death which is not specifically mentioned in the Quran”.

Interestingly, 69 years after their birth, official narratives are facing serious challenges not only in academia but also in journalism and politics, in both India and Pakistan. But the ‘deep state’ is not willing to leave the old narrative in either of the two states. The Gujral Doctrine (1996-1997) in India and the Lahore Agreement (1999) in Pakistan are bold examples that were put in place to ensure peace and prosperity in the region. Although both efforts were challenged by their respective establishments, their existence proved that the peace lobby is not as weak as it is usually considered to be.

In all the 32 chapters in the book, the author has tried to touch every important issue facing the country — including in-depth discussions on Lal Masjid, Karachi, the ideology of Pakistan, Modi-Nawaz meetings, Kashmir, Afghanistan, the Taliban, Balochistan, Pak-US relations and religious and sectarian groups.

The chapter titled ‘Breaking through in Balochistan’ deserves extra attention. In this chapter, the author has discussed the Baloch separatist movement with special reference to the National Party’s first election, and the nationalist government of Dr Abdul Malik Baloch. In my view, the conduct of this government was far mature than Attaullah Mengal’s 1972, government and future historians will write positively about Baloch’s era.

Balochistan has a unique position in our country’s politics. Ahmed has discussed many issues including killings of minority Hazara, the missing persons’ issue, the Pakhtun factor in Balochistan, religious and secular terrorists, Akhtar Mengal’s 6-points and Indian involvement in the province.

Some facts are more alarming than the separatists’ issue; for example, he writes: “There are over 70 gangs involved in kidnapping for ransom, some backed by Baloch feudal leaders, many of whom keep private armies, and members of Balochistan Assembly.”

In my view, it is important to trace the linkages between smuggling and terrorism with special reference to FATA and the coastal belt in Balochistan. That informal trade comprises Balochistan’s leading economy has deeply impacted the federal and provincial institutions and departments including border security personnel. The task ahead is to transform it into formal trade.

In order to understand the Dharna factor, it is important to read chapter four titled ‘A revolution against democracy’. However, the story of Lieutenant General Shahid Aziz reproduced by Khaled Ahmed in “A Typical General?” may interest you more. Regarding Kargil, Lieutenant General Aziz explains “it was an unsound military plan based on invalid assumptions, launched with little preparations and in total disregard of the regional and international environment.” Aziz did not hesitate to say that Musharraf did not share plans with his corps commanders. CGS Lt General Mohammad Aziz, Lt General Javed Hassan Commander FCNA and Lt General Mahmud Ahmed, Commander 10-Corps Rawalpindi were the three other generals who knew the plan.

Lieutenant General Shahid Aziz has also exposed how Musharraf misused the National Accountability Bureau (NAB). After retirement, Lieutenant General Aziz, who is related to Musharraf through marriage, was appointed as NAB’s chairman. On the very first day, Musharraf told Aziz to provide immunity to Minister Faisal Saleh Hayat. The most interesting nugget in the chapter is about the reference of Dajjal(Antichrist) on the dollar bill, symbolising the grand conspiracy. Lieutenant General Aziz thinks that whatever is happening in the world is a part of a Jewish conspiracy. It reflects the mindset of our decision-makers.

The book is written in the post 9/11 scenario where the Pakistani state along with parliament is trying to fix the complex issue of extremism and terrorism through Zarb-e-Azb and National Action Plan. Had Pakistan adopted that strategy in the early years of 9/11, things would be much different now. The reason why Pakistan remained reluctant during the first decade (2002-2012) was largely due to misleading narratives. The author has successfully exposed them by narrating various events.

Sleepwalking to SurrenderDealing with terrorism in Pakistan
Author: Khaled Ahmed
Publisher: Penguin/Viking, 2016
Price: Rs1,295
Pages: 463

Eid Gift: Reflections of Punjabi Culture ..Punjabi Girls....Watch

Reflections of Punjabi Culture ..Watch 

Punjabi Girls

https://www.facebook.com/100010710044997/videos/266047483762251/

Pukhtoon Politics in Afghanistan & Pakistan including FATA (Extracts) Extremism, Interventions and Illegal trade

Pukhtoon Politics in Afghanistan & Pakistan including FATA (Extracts) 

Extremism, Interventions and Illegal trade

Read yourself....and revisit the politics of 1972-79 in Pakistan. It is essential to know what Nationalists did and why some communists were with them? it was the first elected government in Pakistan and the year 1972 was the important partly due to post 1971 incident and partly due to establishment of new democratic setup. Some nationalists made contacts with Iraq and Afghanistan and got training too. Some elements within the State used it against democratic continuity. The story is important in many ways. Progressive, nationalists, Religious fundamentalists and the State were involved in that bad politics. Are we ready to REVISIT it? How we treated Taliban or MQM is not new. In order to protect "our boys" we love to coin "good & bad" theories. In this way we cannot challenge the bad narrative yet for time being we may address some immediate issues. it is a typical colonial practice to handle the situation and it proved counter productive many times in past.  Issue is not limited to Pukhtoon Zalmay only but it is a reference point to unfold the politics and mindsets by various groups including the State.  

Jumma Khan Sufi story reminds me books written by Molana Muhammad Ali Qasori (Mushahidad e Kabul & Yagistan), Mollana Ubaid Ullah Sindhi books especially Kabul meen 7 Saal, Zafar Ahsan Aibak Memoires , Abdul Majid Salik Sarghuzasht, Amir Abdur Rahman Memories written by Ch Sultan (Father of famous Poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz) , Untold Story by Advocate Aziz Ullah (President NAP Sindh in early 1970s), Foreign Policy in Perspective by Benazir Bhutto and biography of Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo by BM Kutty, Metcalfe’s Mission to Lahore, Shahamat Ali's book regarding tripartite  Afghan Campaign of Britishers in 1838-9 , Tahreek e Mujahidin by Ghulam Rasool Mehar ( a campaign in which British government used Islam against the Punjab including Fata, Peshawar in 1826-31) etc

EXTRACTS OF THE BOOK 

Courtesy Fareeb e Natamam by Juma Khan Sufi 

will upload more soon

Anti-Punjab Syndrome & dividing the Punjab while sitting in Kabul

It was 1975 and NAP was banned in October 1975 by SC. While sitting in Kabul they decided two weak Punjab and for that purpose they coined two methods. One was to raise Seraiki Issue and other was to promote Greater Punjab Movement. They had no love either with Seraiki dialect speaking nor with greater Punjab but their intention was to break and weak the Punjab. Interestingly  NAP was formed in 1957 and issue of provincial autonomy  along with issues of languages and nationalities were its core points. but from its birth till the ban in 1975, for over 18 years NAP never demanded for Seraiki or Greater Punjab but now it became one of the key demands after 1975. Later on under anti-Punjab syndrome MQM as well as Sindhi, Baloch and Pukhtoon nationalists and their media supporters adopted it. They found some supporters in the Central Punjab who adopted it due to their different prejudices. but in final analysis neither people of south Punjab listen to Seraiki card nor people of central Punjab favor greater Punjab theory. It proves a non-starter in many ways til today yet some left groups are still wasting their time likewise.    

Reality of Nazish group of Communists, misleadingly known as CPP

History of communist groups is still not written and that is why there is a lot of confusion regarding facts. we can easily divide history of Pakistani left in 4 parts. 1- pre 14 August 1947 situation 2- from 14 August till February 1948 period 3- From 1948 till July 1954 period and 4- post 1954

Although there were some divergences in first three periods too yet after 1954 you may find different groups mainly in Lhore, Karachi, Dhakka and Pindi. Till 1954 Lhore was headquarter yet after 1954 there were separate formations with a lose center in Lhore. In Karachi there were many groups too and among them Tufail Abbas (Zain u din Khan) group had more presence then others. Nazish group was developed out of Karachi largely in 1970s and that is what Mukhtar Bacha told here. 

After 1977 military take over, Wali Khan said that there is one grave , it will filled either by the body of Bhutto or Zia. It was an effort from Wali against Bhutto. He knew that he cannot defeat Bhutto in elections so he instigated dictator to eliminate Bhutto. 

U-Turn of Some Maoist Groups & Afghan Money

Sufi, in this book accepted that almost all NWFP communists were Maoists and after Russia-China rift they did not join Pro-Moscow NAP Wali. But when Afghan sponsored Pukhtoon Zalmay did sabotage activities in 1973-5  they developed relations with Kabul. Interestingly they neither change their line in any congress or pamphlet ever. A group of communists from Punjab also contacted Kabul . One can understand reasons for breakage of Muzdoor Kisan Party ( A Maoist group ) in that context. Many of them are still alive 

What Sardar Dawood thought about Wall Khan....page 212
Whenever one takes help from any other country or donor they naturally behave like this.

June 1976..p 225

When donor changed his policy and left Balochs alone. It was after new relationship between Sardar Dawood and Shah of Iran. Bazenjo felt Betrayed 
P225

Story of 60 Thousand $ BAG..and Bach'a Khan
Witness is a Pukhtoon Communist 

Story of 60 Thousand $ BAG..and Bach'a Khan...Witness is a Pukhtoon Communist 

Ideologue of Communist group of Karachi and associate of Imam Ali Nazish, Professor Jamal Naqvi in his book did not throw light on their activities since late 1960s till 1978. Other then that role of Iraqi and Indian embassy is missing in Jamal book yet Jumma recorded it well. On top of it Anti Bhutto mindset of Pukhtoon Zalmay in early 1970s helps us in understanding scenarios and preferences. 

Killing of Hyat Muhammad Khan Sherpao by Pukhtoon Zalmay 1975. Anti Bhutto mindset of Pukhtoon Zalmay 1970s. Since May 1070 Wali Khan was its head and Ajmal Khattack was coordinator. 

How General Zia used Afghan sponsored leaders smartly. He did it sucessfully because some external forces were against agreement between Bhutto and Dawood to settle Durand Line issue . On the one hand Zia helped those big powers who created that bloody line and on the other hand Zia used Wali Khan and his workers against Bhutto. AT that time Wali Khan and Guffar Khan became patriots because they were with General Zia. Wali Khan knew that Zia is ready to impose dictatorship much before July 5, 1977. The situation was same when Musharraf did not object Altaf Hussain when he did infamous speech against creation of Pakistan. We made and break traitors and that is part of problems.
Courtesy Fareeb e Natamam by Jumma Khan Sufi Page 137

Imam Ali Nazish Communist group, Ajmal Khattak and Begum Wali....Story of power struggle where every one was suspect. Apparently Wali Khan, Dawood, Nazish group were partners but when anyone got another chance he left others. How they all three betrayed Bazenjo is also a fact. 

In order to combat sabotage activities of Pukhtoon Zalmay General Naseer ullah Babar, than IG FC NWFP inducted some Afghans (Gulbadin Hikmatyar, Ahmad Shah Masud, etc). They answered Afghanistan and due to that activity Wali Khan's lofty claims exposed in front of Sardar Dawood. After understanding ground realities Dawood decided to settle Durand Line conflict and involved Shah Iran too. At that moment when Bhutto and Dawood were settling issues General Zia contacted Wali Khan and rest is history. But question is what Pukhtoons gained in that whole game. We have to analysis it in 21st century. Wali Khan not only weaken First democratic government in Pakistan but also laid foundations of infighting among various Afghan groups. 

Sabotage 1973-5

Sabotage activities 1973-5

Genesis of Pukhtoon Zalmay 

 Pukhtoon Zalmay revived by Wali Khan in May 1970. As par Jumma Khan narrative (at Page 89) General Ayub Khan told Wali Khan in 1968 , after failure of Round Table Conference, that " if You want to rule Pakistan, get rid of East Pakistan. But Wali Khan thought it a golden chance to break West Pakistan too. So before 1970 elections Wali Khan revived PZ. It was preparation for future actions.After launching of military action at 25 March 1971 in East Pakistan, Wali Khan sent Ajmal Khatak to kabul. Some Baloch Sardars (not Bazenjo) were in contact with Iraq while Wali Khan had links in Afghanistan where his father was also residing in self exile. It is to be remembered that Baluchistan became province in 1970 and it was essential for the province to built institutions.

Bullet for Bullet: Just imagine Wali Khan neither took a line of armed struggle against  General Ayub nor General Zia or Yahya but he took hard stand against the first democratic government in Pakistan.

 The difference between democrat nationalist Ghous Baksh Bazenjo and power player nationalist Khan Abdul Wali Khan. If we fight with Bhutto then Left liberal democratic forces will weak finally. Bazenjo said but Wali Khan did not listen and rest is history.

Much before 9/11 Mushraff started negotiations with anti-Taliban Pukhtoons. What were the motives? Why so-called anti establishment Ajmal Khattack had attraction towards a dictator? What was the agenda? 

Love of Pukhtoon progressive leader Ajmal Khattak with Dictator General Mushraff in 2000 was a known fact and Ajmal had aproval of Wall Khan too. They were with Zia, they were ready to serve Musharraf but still they have high claims as protectors of democracy

KIS KIS KI MUHAR HAI SAR E MEHSAR LAGI HOYE

Latif Adridi, Ajmal Khattak, etc all were ready . It was 2000. Mushraf just imposed his dictatorship. Many NGOs were also with Mushraff. Instead of criticizing military rule a big NGO discussed decentralization plan in its annual report released for the year 1999 and its date of publication was January 2000. They were even ready to club with PTI and latief mentioned meetings with Imran Khan too. A minister of Mushraff was son of Air marshal Asghar khan and many NGOs including some progressive intellectuals , some economists etc were part of the game. 

Conspiracies against Bhutto much before July 5, 1977.  NAP Wali was banned by SC in Oct 1975 yet they were engaged in future conspiracies by the establishment. It was a time when dawood, Bhutto and Shah Iran were on one page yet all the three were removed smartly. As usual local players used that golden opportunity to fix  its enemies in Pakistan while serving the big interests. 

Confessions of a Pukhtoon Revolutionary A review of Jumma Khan book published in The News on Sunday.