Raza Kazim Interview about conspiracy against Gen Zia & BBC twisted man

Raza Kazim Interview about conspiracy against Gen Zia & BBC twisted man

This is just a transitional phase in which a few of our generations will go down the drain. I have seen four generations, including my father’s, go down the drain and I have no expectations at all from the generation of today either and I have every reason to believe that the next generation will be the same as well. We’ve tried many things, most recently the ‘civil society’ but nothing really has worked. 

we were free to have a counsel of our own choice. I was admitted to Mayo Hospital Lahore during the case because I fainted many times during the proceedings after having lost 55 pounds during incarceration. I was there for at least 3-4 months and did not choose a counsel myself but my wife asked Aitzaz [Ahsan] and he went there twice. Two of the plotters became approvers, five were convicted and the rest, including myself, were acquitted.

How #BBC corespondent played the dirty game, expected from him due to his track record.
Mark Tully, the BBC star correspondent in the subcontinent has spent many years in the region. When I was in Attock, he came from India and met my wife. He was the source of this information as he told my wife that RAW had been involved in the later stages of funding. This information is also corroborated by Ali Mahmood’s wife Billo who herself told me that they had gone to Delhi for a wedding of a Sikh friend’s son and some of them had met Indira Gandhi, including Khar.

Read complete interview 
https://www.thefridaytimes.com/25022011/page16.shtml?fbclid=IwAR1PELmwHf_s1keTx4DgJVbBKQ7XzemX2Ivehwp3ppb-osTyrhykOq6Z4vM

Ranjit Singh & his political sensibility Part 2

Ranjit Singh & his Political Sensibility Part 2

In order to understand last 250 years history of Punjab, Sindh, KyberPK, FAtA, Kashmir, Hazara, Kabul, Jammu, Batistan & Baluchistan it is essential to revisit about Lhore Darbar & Maharaja Ranjit Singh. Without understanding trade, trade roots (both land & water), governance patrons, Who is who in Lhore Darbar, international powers of that period it is not possible to revisit our common past.

''لہور دربار'' کو قابو کرنے کی نئی مہمیں شروع ہوتی ہیں جس کی منصوبہ بندیوں میں دلی کے پرانے عربی کالج کا بھی کردار رہا جسے جدید سطح پر استوار کیا گیا تھا۔ 

یہی وجہ ہے کہ اس نے میکٹاف سے بڑے پولے منہ سے استفسار کیا، ''تمہارے خیال میں نپولین کو لہور دربار تک آتے آتے کتنا وقت لگے گا؟''۔ میکٹاف سمجھا کہ رنجیت نپولین کے خطرے والے جال میں آ گیا ہے، اس لیے تھوڑا نخرہ کر کے بولا کہ چھ مہینے میں۔ اس پر رنجیت سنگھ نے کہا پھر تو  فوری فکر کی کوئی بات نہیں۔ یہ ہشیار جواب سن کر میٹکاف چکرا گیا اور کلکتہ لکھے خط میں مہاراجہ کی سفارتی سمجھ بارے لکھا جو ریکارڈ کا حصہ ہے۔

تاہم رنجیت یہ جانتا تھا کہ اگر فوری خطرے یعنی انگریزوں کو، کسی ایک طے شدہ حد تک روک لیا جائے تو  وہ زیادہ محفوظ ہو جائے گا۔ جب 1809 میں میکٹاف رنجیت سے معاہدہ کرنے دلی سے آیا تھا تو رنجیت دریائے ستلج کے پار علاقوں میں سرگرم تھا۔

میکٹاف نے لکھا ہے کہ رنجیت کوئی بھی فیصلہ کرنے سے پہلے مشاورتی کونسل سے بات کرتا ہے جس میں فقیر عزیزالدین اور دھیان سنگھ جیسے زیرک وزیر شامل ہیں۔ اس نے یہ بھی اعتراف کیا کہ رنجیت مشاورتی کونسل کے مشورے پر اپنے فیصلے بدل بھی لیتا تھا۔

''میکٹاف مشن ٹو لاہور'' نامی کتاب میں لکھا ہے کہ دھیان سنگھ انگریزوں سے کسی بھی قسم کا معاہدہ کرنے کے خلاف ہے جبکہ فقیر ذرا دھیمے انداز میں بات کرتا ہے اور انگریزوں سے لین دین کو رد نہیں کرتا۔ رنجیت دونوں کے دلائل بڑے غور سے سنتا ہے اور ہر ایک سے بہت زیادہ سوال کرتا ہے۔

Link of complete Article part 2

http://sujag.org/lahore/feature/lahore-darbar-ranjeet-singh?fbclid=IwAR3xoSpygmHQJs3nK122M4W8pQ-I3pLBa8iiPpPSaePwuw8XYApvs0thsAY

Link of Part 1

https://punjabpunch.blogspot.com/2018/11/why-we-cannot-ignore-ranjit-singh-part-1.html

Why Left is confuse? & not ready to revisit? Senior Comrade Raja Velayat Radio talk (FM103)

Why Left is confuse? & not ready to revisit? Senior Comrade Raja Velayat Radio talk (FM103) 

Comrade Raja Velayat born in 1947, Lhore is now a days running Social Democratic Forum, as its founder yet he had joined left circle since 1950s because his father ,an officer at Railways, due to Jehlum background had relations with Comrade Mirza Ibrahim, famous Railway Union leader, also belonged to Puthohar region. Raja Velayat did his matriculation in 1964 and joined as activist in left circle in late 1960s.


Video Clip of Raja Velayat
https://youtu.be/7TtlDj-f9a0

کھبے دی سیاست دے وادھے، گھاٹے بارے گل بات لوڑی دی ہے کہ ایس توں بغیر اگے دا رستہ نہیں مل سکدا۔راجہ ولائیت نیپ بھاشانی، سوشلسٹ پارٹی توں بعد اج کل سوشل ڈیموکریٹک فورم بنائی بیٹھے نیں۔50 ورہیاں توں راجہ جی لیفٹ سیاست نال جڑے نیں۔تساں کجھ چوندیاں گلاں پڑھو تے پورے پروگرام دا لنک اخیر تے دتا ہے۔
http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34078/2018-11-23.html


Link of the complete Radio show recorded Lhore Studio MastFM103, at 15th November 2018 in Lok Lhar weekly Show
https://vocaroo.com/i/s07JnbbuhI8a

Why we cannot ignore Ranjit Singh? Part 1

Why we cannot ignore Ranjit Singh?

Colonizers failed to annex our lands yet after his death EIC of England annexed Qallat, Qandhar, Kabul, Sindh, Kashmir and finally the Punjab within 10 years.

When he founded his government, Lhore Darbar in 1799, English East India Company had annexed many lands from Bengal to Delhi yet due to power of Lhore Darbar colonizer could not annexed Sindh, Kabul, Balochistan, Kashmir & Punjab for more then 3 decades.

Colonizers largely played with numerous conflicts & contradictions smartly and many are still prevalent and its selective use is common among South Asians. Concocted Hindu period, Muslim period misleading narrative had been exposed by Romila Thapper well but regarding our lands they added Sikh period and also used Sikh Muslim, Punjabi Pathan contradictions. One example is 18 century history. To Non Muslims (Sikhs & Hindus) colonial narrative had coined the term Muslim Invaders and had declared Nadir Shah and Ahmad Shah Abdali etc among Muslim Invaders and to Muslims living in our lands they used terms like Sikh Rule, Sikha Shahi. Late 19th century colonial officers had dig more and smartly link it with Punjabi Pathan contradiction. For Pathns Ranjit was declared a Punjabi usurper & for Punjabis Ahmad Shah Abdali was declared a Pathan invader. In such smart moves, they wanted to forget Kabuli Mal like Hindu Punjabis who were with Ahmad Shah or Sultan Muhamad (elder brother of King Dost Muhammad, a Barakzai) who was with Ranjit. As Kashmir, KhyberPK, Balochistan, Sindh, Kabul and Punjab region was a Muslim dominated area so such narratives played vital role largely.

Read the first part
http://sujag.org/lahore/feature/raja-ranjeet-singh-punjab-british

13 نومبر 1780 کو جب رنجیت سنگھ پیدا ہوا تو کرناٹک جنگیں (1746 تا 1756) ہی نہیں بلکہ پلاسی (1757)، پانی پت (1761) اور بکسر (1764) کی جنگوں کے بعد انگریزی فوجیں جس دھرتی کا رخ کرتیں وہاں قبضہ جما لیتیں تھیں۔

مقامی طاقتیں یعنی مرہٹے، افغان، بنگالی، مدراسی سب اس گوری آندھی کے آگے بے بس ہو چکے تھے۔

اک موہوم سی آواز حیدر علی کی تھی جس نے جنوبی بند کے کچھ علاقوں میں عَلمِ بغاوت بلند رکھا۔ 1782 میں اس کے بعد اسی عَلم کو اس کے 31 سالہ بیٹے ٹیپو سلطان نے تھاما مگر 1799 میں وہ مارا گیا۔

یہی وہ سال ہے جب تخت لہور پر رنجیت براجمان ہوا اور اب اس عَلم کی نگہبانی اس کے ذمے تھی۔

یاد رہے یہ وہی دور تھا جب احمد شاہ ابدالی (سدوذئی) کے مرنے (1772) کے بعد قندہار (ابدالی کا دارلحکومت) بارک ذئیوں، سدوذئیوں، ہزاروں، قزلباشوں وغیرہ کی آپسی لڑائیوں کی وجہ سے محلاتی سازشوں کا شکار تھا اور عراق، آرمینیا اور آذربئیجان تک پھیلی ایرانی زند بادشاہت بھی زوال پذیر تھی۔

روسی، فرانسیسی اور انگریز اس پورے خطے کی طرف للچائی نظروں سے دیکھ رہے تھے تاہم پنجاب میں اک مردِ حر نے مورچہ پکا کر لیا۔

IQBAL by Sajjad Zaheer (1945) , Spiritual & popular voice of South Asian Muslims

IQBAL by Sajjad Zaheer (1945)

Spiritual & Popular voice of South Asian Muslims

This article was written by communist leader Sajjad Zaheer when he was editor of CPI magazine Qumi Jang and it was published in 22 April 1945. Interestingly Sajjad was first secretary general of CPP, nominated in side lines trickily of 2nd CPI Congress held at Calcutta Feb1948. He went to Lhore as central office of newly formed party was there. He returned to Bharat after release from infamous Pindi Conspiracy case. That case was planned against communists in March 1951, at the eve of first general election for Punjab assembly. Why establishment planned it? what were the motives? Now after 67 years one can said that there were multiple benefits internationally as well as locally linked with that plan i-e 

1- Ayub Khan fixed his enemies within Army especially those who were like young Turks not ready to become part of cold war, had reservations against cease fire at Kashmir Front in 1948 and had soft corner for those security men who defected during INA (1941-44) and Jhazi rebellion (1946).   

2- State gave impression of Communist threat to attract US attention in the time of infamous McCarthyism. At that time, especially after WW2, Cold War (Planned) had started between two camps and including Pakistan & Bharat many countries wanted to join US camp. So Pindi conspiracy was a planned fake case in that regard. 
3- After 1949 Chinese revolution there was a debate in Pakistan how to respond on it because Pakistan has a border with China too. Before Chinese revolution CPP had published a pamphlet in its favor but British trained bureaucracy banned it. As par 1933 intelligence record  (Published in India) British intelligence had fears of spreading rural base communism in South & South East Asia and wanted to stop it at any cost. Mian Iftiqar uddin was in Muslim league and he with many were lobbying for Pak China relations. So Pindi conspiracy case was used against China too. Yet in-spite of many odds Mian Sahib led a high powered Pakistani official  delegation at 3rd anniversary of Chinese revolution in 1952.

4- Establishment at that time took fatwas from Islamists to show how they could combat communism (an old British plan coined during 1920s as mentioned by Keith Jefferey) and started a campaign especially after Objective resolution (March 1949) and raised it during first session of Progressive Writers public meeting (Nov 1949). So it was first mulla establishment nexus much before Anti Ahmadi riots of 1953) that created ample spaces for religious extremism. Interestingly at that time Sir Zafrullah, an Ahmadi, was foreign minister but he did not react against that policy but in National assembly record his 12 pages long speech is present which he did in favor of Objective Resolution. He himself was anti communist. Those who were at forefront in misusing Islam against Communism included those religious intellectuals and journalists who had opposed idea of Pakistan till 1948 and one such example was editor weekly Chitan Shorash Kashmiri, guru of many journalists in Pakistan.

As Pakistani State had declared Iqbal as national thinker so many communists not only in Bharat but Pakistan especially from Karachi disowned Iqbal. 
Today an article published in Dawn The lost verse: Why is Iqbal going out of fashion? but writer failed to understand why some communists were against Iqbal and what was its background? He wrote
But what is most significant and ironic is that Pakistan’s leftist groups in their private moments appeared to be utterly enamoured of Iqbal’s verse, listening to it practically as a clandestine treasonable activity. They indulged in this activity despite their formal and vocal ideological rejection of Iqbal’s ‘philosophy’, whatever that is.
Although leftists like Zahir Kashmiri, Mian Iftiqar uddin, Safdar Mir, C R Aslam and more importantly Faiz did not oppose Iqbal but quote it.
Sajjad Zaheer article remind us that how due to bad policies of State they made Iqbal controversial largely. 

This article is recently published after many years of gape and prove of bankruptcy of reds too.

Rauf Malik autobiography Surkh Siasat published by jumhori publications and Admad Saleem edited book Hamri Tahreek e Azadi aur Takhliqi Amal published by Sang e meal reproduced it.

EU Final report about 25 July election exposed rigging & interference

EU Final Report on the 25 July general elections in Pakistan

Exposed rigging & interference 

Generally media and civil society as well as previous parliament is praised who did their jobs in such odd circumstances yet this report is an eye opener for those think we are very smart. The report with 30 valuable recommendations supported transition to democracy but pinpointed interference in election extensively. As signatory of numerous (particularly six as mentioned in the report) international agreements, treaties etc Pakistan should fulfill its commitments but before and after 25th July elections it earned a bad name. The final report (Published at 26th October 2018) needs special attention of Parliamentary Committee & struggling media & Civil Society so that Pakistan can revive its pride as sovereign, independent and forward looking country.

News @ www.wichaar.com
http://www.wichaar.com/news/117/ARTICLE/34075/2018-11-08.html

Extracts are here and link of complete 91 pages report is at the end.

1. Unlike in previous elections, it faced unprecedented delay in the deployment of the whole mission. Due to a series of bureaucratic delays, including with issuing visas and accreditations, EU long-term observers arrived in Pakistan later than planned and were deployed to districts only one week, sometimes less, before election day.
2. The 25 July 2018 general elections followed, for the first time in Pakistan’s history, two terms of continuous civilian rule with two elected legislatures completing their terms. The elections took place against a background of allegations of interference in the electoral process by the military-led establishment and the role of the judiciary as a political actor.
3. An increase in violent attacks and threats targeting political parties, party leaders, candidates and election officials severely affected the campaign environment in the two weeks before election day.  
4. The ECP made limited efforts to improve its transparency and accountability during the electoral period. The lack of regular communication with civil society and political parties, as well as timely information to voters on key stages of the electoral process, such as the failure to announce provisional results on time, increased the level of distrust between stakeholders and the ECP, and damaged the institution’s reputation.
5. Notwithstanding several legal provisions aiming to ensure a level playing field, there was a notable lack in equality of opportunity.
6. At first glance, Pakistan’s media appears vibrant, seemingly offering a platform for a free and pluralistic exchange of ideas. Comprehensive analysis of the media’s output, however, reveals that editorial policies were carefully calibrated to downplay issues relating to the army, state security structures and the judiciary. Concerted efforts to stifle the reporting environment were observed, and included intimidating phone calls to
   senior editors, the disruption and hindrance of the distribution of broadcast and print outlets, and harassment of individual journalists. Most of the content restrictions that affected election coverage stem from the Constitution. Article 19 subjects freedom of expression to “any reasonable restrictions imposed by law”, which diverges from international standards. Excessive content limitations, citing security, religious and
   moral concerns, are scattered throughout the legal framework for media, resulting in a catalogue of issues on which media cannot report
7. Overall the PML-N was the most featured party. However, up to two-thirds of its coverage was negative in tone, including on court cases against the party leadership and on prominent defectors. 
8. The system for resolving electoral disputes is largely a judicial model, with judges of various courts involved at different stages. ECP orders also have the same weight as High Court rulings. There was considerable uncertainty over the resolution of electoral disputes, with a high number of petitions to the Supreme and High Courts. There was a lack of transparency regarding ECP decisions on electoral disputes, as well as late changes in the make-up of panels for ECP dispute hearings.
   
   
9. The Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens and provides for the full participation of women in national life. The Elections Act foresees the cancellation of elections in constituencies where female turnout is less than ten per cent. However, the ECP annulled elections only in one provincial assembly constituency, but not in other constituencies where female turnout was just under 10 per cent. Each political party had to nominate at least five per cent of women candidates for general seats. Seven of 95 political parties failed tofulfil this requirement. Only eight of 172 women candidates were elected to general seats in the National Assembly compared to nine in 2013 and 16 in 2008.
   
   
10. The Elections Act 2017 gives the ECP powers to allow citizen observers and international observers to observe the electoral process. However, it is at the discretion of the ECP as to whether it actually allows groups to observe, as well as the extent of access it provides. Due to a lack of clear instructions on accreditation procedures, national and international observers faced difficulties with accreditation. Observers
    were also hindered by the Code of Conduct for Security Officials which empowered security personnel to allow accredited observers and media stay at a polling station only for a brief period of time.
11. Overall, TDEA/FAFEN observation in 2018 was less visible in the field than in 2013.
12. ECP allowed the deployment of 370,000 army personnel inside as well as outside polling stations and increased their powers, including the provision of a parallel structure to report irregularities if the presiding officer did not take action.
13. However, the count, transmission and tabulation of results lacked transparency, leaving room for allegations of electoral malpractices.
    
    
14. The ECP did not meet the legal deadline for announcing provisional results by 02:00 on 26 July. On election night, the Results Transmission System (RTS) failed during the submission of results from polling stations and the ECP had to stop using it. Following widespread criticism, the ECP called for an enquiry commissionto identify reasons for RTS failure.
    
    
15. The EU EOM 2013 offered 50 recommendations for improving the framework for elections. Ahead of the 2018 general elections, five of these recommendations had been completely implemented. A further 33 recommendations were also reflected, at least partially, in the Elections Act 2017.
    
    
16. The EU EOM 2018 offers 30 recommendations for future electoral reform based on observations, analysis and extensive discussion with a range of stakeholders. It has eight priority recommendations
17. The EU EOM was led by Chief Observer Michael Gahler, a Member of the European Parliament from Germany. The EU EOM comprised a core team of ten analysts based in Islamabad and 60 long-term observers deployed in districts across Pakistan. All 28 EU member states as well as Norway were represented in the mission. On election day, the mission was reinforced by 41 locally-recruited short-term observers from the diplomatic staff of EU member state embassies, Norway, Switzerland, Canada and the

• EU Delegation in Pakistan. A delegation of seven Members of the European Parliament, led by Jean Lambert from the United Kingdom, also joined the mission. On election day, 122 EU observers followed election proceedings (opening, voting and counting) in 476 polling stations in 113 constituencies in Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Islamabad Capital Territory. The mission did not observe in Balochistan due to security reasons. 
• The EU EOM encountered significant challenges and difficulties before and during its deployment to Pakistan for the 25 July elections. The European Union had previously deployed election observation missions to Pakistan, in 1997, 2002, 2008 and 2013, but did not face the problems that in 2018 substantially affected EU EOM standard modus operandi. Unlike in previous missions, the EU EOM faced unprecedented delay in the deployment of its observers.
• Additionally, despite constant efforts, meetings with two main interlocutors, the ECP and the judiciary and the various courts, were very limited or did not take place at all. During the deployment of the EU EOM,core team analysts met only five times with ECP officials despite numerous official requests for regular meetings. All requests for meetings with the judiciary and the High Courts in the provinces were either denied or not replied to, and no information regarding complaints and appeals was shared with the mission.
• Allegations of influence on the electoral process by the military-led establishment, as well as restrictions on freedom of expression, affected the political environment.
• An increase in threats and violent attacks targeting political parties, party leaders, candidates and election officials severely affected the campaign environment in the two weeks before election day.
• The dismissal of former Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, in July 2017; his disqualification for life from holding public office for financial malfeasance in April 2018; and his arrest after an eleven-year prison sentence after the verdict of the Accountability Court on 6 July 2018 reshaped the political environment ahead of the elections. Most interlocutors acknowledged a systematic effort to undermine the former ruling party through cases of corruption, contempt of court and terrorist charges against its leaders and candidates.
• The pre-electoral environment was marred by allegations of influence on the electoral process by the military-led establishment and the active role of the judiciary in political affairs, including through its special suo moto jurisdiction.12 The apparent collusion of interests between the army and the judiciary was particularly instrumental in the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif, and his disqualification for life from holding public office. Numerous reports depicted the armed forces and security agencies pulling strings to persuade candidates of anti-establishment parties to switch allegiance or to run as independents, contributing to splitting the votes and influencing the results.13
  Media outlets and journalists suffered from undue restrictions on freedom of expression which resulted in widespread self-censorship. Several events prior to and during the campaign pointed to the shrinking space for free speech and genuine pluralism. For example, the distribution of Dawn newspaper was disrupted in May 2018 following an interview with Nawaz Sharif. In March 2018, GEO TV was taken off air across
  most of the country and was not available on cable networks in cantonment areas throughout the campaign period. Several key broadcast media editors received phone calls from state actors advising not to live broadcast the return of Nawaz Sharif on 13 July. Media were also asked to mute any statement that might contain “anti-judiciary” speech. In addition, media did not air interviews conducted with the Sharifs in
  London prior to their return to Pakistan, or PML-N, PPP, ANP and MMA leaders’ accusations of the military engineering the elections. Media referred to the Lahore High Court ruling from 16 April 2018 that upheld the ban on “anti-judiciary speeches”, based on Articles 19 and 68 of the Constitution. Overall, a range of state actors took resolute measures well before the elections to control the public political narrative and to silence any debate that might challenge the role of the military or to promote the supremacy of a civilian-led government.
  
  
• Pakistan has adopted six key international treaties applicable to elections.16 The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) were adopted over the last decade. Pakistan is also party to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (CPRW).
• Nonetheless, during the election period, the courts were petitioned on many occasions. They operated as a de facto parallel system of electoral justice to that of the ECP. Thus there was uncertainty about the exact extent and limit of the courts’ jurisdiction in electoral matters. This issue was recently flagged in a Supreme Court appeal case.42 Notwithstanding, courts did handle petitions relating to election
  matters. The Constitution addresses the right to stand in considerable detail, but the prescribed qualifications are at times vague and subjective. For example, requirements include being of good character, righteous and sagacious, honest and truthful.43 These criteria are tested during candidate scrutiny and on appeal to Appellate Tribunals. The Supreme Court has interpreted these criteria in several cases.44 In some cases, it
  refused to exclude candidates unless presented with proof of dishonesty in the form of a court order.45 In others, the Court appears to have disqualified candidates without such prior evidence.46 Failing to satisfy the current criteria can result in disqualification for life from becoming a member of parliament. Some candidates have been disqualified for not being “truthful and honest.”47 A consistent way of addressing these issues needs to be identified and implemented.48 A recent Supreme Court judgement cogently summarises, “[…] the vague, uncertain, obscure and conflicting terminology used in different provisions of Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution…is bound to confuse the electorate at large, hound the candidates and their voters, embarrass the Returning Officers at the time of scrutiny of nomination papers, confound the Election Tribunals and become a nightmare for the lawyers and Courts in the years to come.

Read complete 91 pages report at this link

https://cdn1-eeas.fpfis.tech.ec.europa.eu/cdn/farfuture/7OsUPfcoQp4IOwOLiZfEi1dOhrRtwb_1lar-9AxZvQk/mtime:1540558548/sites/eeas/files/final_report_pakistan_2018_english.pdf

if have difficulty then check this link

https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/52858/eu-eom-final-report-25-july-general-elections-pakistan_en

Name of Punjab is ancient or created in Akhbar period? Read & Unlearn

Name of Punjab is ancient or created in Akhbar period?

Read & Unlearn 

Foreigners called it Penta Potamia since ancient times while Punjabis and other South Asians called it PunjNad , meaning of both is same i-e Land of Five Rivers and these names are preserved in books like Mahabharat, Ramayan, Indika recorded in the writings of  Al Masodi, Al Beruni,  Ibn Batuta much before Akhbar. 

Read the article published by Sujag.org

http://sujag.org/lahore/feature/punjab-name-history?fbclid=IwAR3oxcDLG9l9OuE10pd6-vTzGLzGT1mQ-fVwUn6CtH58GUhvJ5C0_o68AH0

کیا پنجاب کا نام اکبر کے دور میں پڑا تھا؟

عامر ریاض

سوشل میڈیا کے اس دور میں کھوجی کی محنت کچھ مزید بڑھ گئی ہے  کہ جعلی خبروں سے لے کر  گمراہ کن تاریخی حقائق تک ہر مال یہاں دستیاب ہے۔مگر جس بات کی طرف آپکی توجہ مبذول کروانے کے جتن میں مضامین کے اس سلسلہ میں شروع کر رہا ہوں  اس کا تعلق  ان  تاریخی غلط فہمیوں سے ہے  جو  اس ڈجیٹل زنبیل سے قبل ہی پھیل یا پھیلائی جا چکی تھیں۔ پنجاب کے حوالے سے پھیلا ئی ایسی گمراہ کن باتوں کے تدارک کے لیے ہی یہ سلسلہ شروع کیا جا رہا ہے جس میں جذبات،تفاخر و تعصب سے بچتے ہوئے دلیل سے بات رکھی جائے گی۔سائنس و تاریخ  سمیت علمی بحثوںمیں کوئی بات حتمی نہیں ہوتی کہ  نئی کھوج کی گنجائش ہمیشہ موجود رہتی ہے۔

پنج اور آب  کے الفاظ سے مل کر بننے والا یہ لفظ یعنی پنجاب، پنجابی و فارسی زبانوں کے ملاپ کا مستند و زندہ ثبوت ہے کہ دونوں ہی زبانوں میں قدیم عہد سے اک سانجھ ہے۔ ایک مثال دونوں زبانوں میں پرچلت  گنتی کی دی جاسکتی ہے جس میں دو،پنج،دہ، پنجاہ جیسے کئی اعداد کے نام سانجھے ہیں۔اس سانجھے سلسلہ کو مشہور عبقری  جی ڈبلیو لائٹنر نے پنجاب کے بارے لکھی اپنی مشہور رپورٹ نما کتاب ''پنجاب میں مقامی تعلیم''(مطبوعہ1882) میں ''فارسی پنجابی سلسلہ'' لکھا ہے۔یہ پنجابی فارسی سلسلہ کتنا پرانا تھا اس بارے عمومی تاثر یہی ہے کہ بادشاہ اکبر کے دور میں فارسی کا چلن ہمارے ہاں بڑھنے لگا تھا تو شاہد اس سلسلہ کازمانہ بھی یہی ہو گا۔اسی لیے اکثر سمجھدار لوگ بھی یہ دلیل دیتے نظر آتے ہیں کہ پنجاب کا نام تو اکبر بادشاہ کے دورمیں رکھا گیا تھا۔یہ بات کہنے والوں نے اگر مہا بھارت، رامائن، یونانی تحریریں اور البیرونی و این بطوطہ ہی کی کتب پڑھی ہوتیں تو یہ بات نہ کرتے۔فارسی زبان سے پنجابی اور اس خطہ کی دیگر زبانوں کا رشتہ جاننے کا ایک زندہ ثبوت  ہمارے رسم الخط ہیں۔ حقیقت یہ ہے کہ ہڑپائی تہذیب (جسے اب وادی سندھ کی تہذیب کہا جانے لگا ہے) اور خصوصا گندھارا سے نکلنے والی تحریروں  میں قدیم فارسی  اور خروشٹی رسم الخط سے تعلق صدیوں پرانا ہے۔اشوک  بادشاہ کے عہد میں پہاڑوں پر کندہ کیے جو کتبے ملے ہیں ان میں دیوناگری اور خروشٹی رسم الخط میں لکھی تحریریں بھی ہیں۔پروفیسر دانی سمیت بہت سے دانشوروں نے گندھارا تہذیب کے قبل از مسیح زمانے میں خروشٹی رسم الخط کی موجودگی کے واضح اشارے کیے جو دائیں سے بائیں لکھا جاتا تھا۔ اسی طرح کم از کم دو پارسی سلطنتوں میں جن کا مرکز بلخ تھا وادی سندھ کا علاقہ شامل رہا ہے جن میں ایک کا عہد 530 قبل از مسیح ہے جس کا بادشاہ سائرس بہت مشہور تھا۔ خود گندھارا تہذیب کا پھیلاو بھی وسط و مغربی ایشیا کی طرف تھا اور ایسے ہی ہندو شاہیہ سلطنت بھی اس معاملے میں گندھارا کی پیش رو تھی۔اب یہ بات کی جائے گی کہ پنجاب کے نام کا حوالہ کتنا قدیم ہے۔ قدیمی کتب میں پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کا ذکر وافر ہے جس کا حوالہ بھی دیا جائے گا۔ان پانچ دریاوں میں سندھ، ستلج، راوی، جہلم اور چناب شامل تھےکہ ماضی قریب کے لٹریچر میں سندھ کو نکال کر بیاس شامل کیا گیا جو ستلج کاایک ذیلی دریا ہے ۔

پہلی بار پنجاب کا لفظ کس نے استعمال کیا اس کا حوالہ ہمیں  فارسی اور پنجابی کی بجائے لاطینی اور یونانی زبانوں کے قدیم لٹریچر میں ملا۔ پنجاب کے لیے جا بجا ''پینٹا پوٹامیا''  کا نام استعمال کیا گیا۔پینٹا لاطینی میں 5 کو کہتے ہیں اور لفظ پوٹامیا کو سمجھنے کے لیے عراق کےپرانے نام ''میسو پوٹامیا'' کو  دیکھیں۔میسو تو دو کو کہتے ہیں کہ دجلہ اور فرات کے دریاوں کی درمیان دوآبہ کو میسو پوٹامیا  یعنی دو دریاوں کی درمیان والی سرزمین کہا گیا۔اسی پیرائے میں پنجاب کو باہر سے آنے والوں نے اپنے لٹریچر میں قدیم دور میں پینٹا پوٹامیا لکھا ہے۔پنجاب کے اپنے لوگ اسے پنجند یعنی پانج ندیوں کی سرزمین کہتے تھے کہ اوچ شریف کے نزدیک پنجند کا مقام اسی ماضی کی یادگار ہے۔اب اگر پنجاب کو 6ویں بار تقسیم کیا گیا تو پنجند کو بھی پنجاب سے دیس نکالا مل جائے گا۔ یاد رہے کہ ندی، نہر اوردریا پرانی کتب میں  ایک ہی معنی میں استعمال ہوتے تھے۔

پنجاب کے نام کی قدامت کا ایک مستند حوالہ  مشہور اینگلو انڈین ڈکشنری ''ہابسن  جابسن ''ہے جو 1886 میں چھپی تھی جس کی تفصیل آگے آئے گی۔لفظ  پینٹا پوٹامیا کا بڑا حوالہ سکندر کے زمانے کا ہے کہ  جب میگس تھین نامی سیاح و مورخ ہمارے علاقوں میں آیا تھا اور اس  نے انڈیکا کتاب لکھی تھی۔یہ کتاب اب نہیں ملتی مگر اس کے بعد آنے والے یونانی  لکھاریوں نے کیا جن میں سب سے مستند لوئیس اریانوس ہے جس کی دوسری صدی میں لکھی کتاب کو سکندر کی مہموں کے حوالے سے اولین بچی ہوئی کتب میں شمار کیاجاتا ہے۔انڈیکا کا حوالہ بہت سے یونانی  دانشوروں نے دیا جن میں  ڈیوڈورس سیکولیس،جغرافیہ دان سٹرابو  اور پلینی بھی شامل ہیں۔ انڈیکا نامکای کتاب  حوالہ دے کر یہ بات لکھی گئی کہ میگس تھین     پینٹا پوٹامیا کے راستے انڈیا آئے اور  قدیمی پٹنہ یعنی پاٹلی پتر تک گئے جہاں اس زمانے میں چندر گپت موریہ کا راج تھا ۔

پینٹا پوٹامیا کا دوسرا مستند حوالہ  اس اینگلو انڈین  ڈکشنری میں آیا جس کو ہنری ییل اور اے سی  بورنیل تیار کیا تھا اور جس کا مقصد انگریز افسروں کو مقامی تاریخ، کلچر، روایات اور اہم معلومات سے آگاہ کرنا تھا۔

اس ڈکشنری کو  تیار کرنے میں دس سال لگے ۔ ڈکشنری میں پنجاب کی انٹری میں لکھا ہے کہ پروفیسر لیسن نے لاطینی میں لکھےایک  قدیمی مخطوطے سے  پنجاب کاقدیمی نام پینٹا پوٹامیا  درج کیا ہے۔اسی انٹری میں یہ بھی لکھا ہے کہ مقامی طور پر پنجاب کا پرانا نام پنجند ہے جو مہابھارت اور  رامائن میں بھی درج ہے۔یہی نہیں بلکہ یہ بھی لکھا ہے کہ پنج ند اور پینٹا پوٹامیا کا مطب پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین ہی ہے۔اس کے بعد ڈکشنری میں حوالے دیے گئے ہیں ان کی تفصیل بھی پڑھ لیں۔

پہلے پہلویوں کی سرزمین آتی ہے اس کے بعد پنجند اور پھر کشمیر۔رامائن، کتاب 4،باب 43

قدیم عہد سے یونانیوں، مہابھارت اور رامائن  کے حوالے دینے کے بعد ڈکشنری میں مشہور عرب سیاح مسعودی کا حوالہ ہے جو ہمارے خطہ میں 940 کے قریب آیا تھا۔ مشہور کتاب ''فتوح البلدان" (شہروں کی فتح) کے مصنف البلاذری  نے بھی مسعودی کی لکھتوں کا حوالہ دیا ہے۔مسعودی کی لکھت کے صفحہ 377 پر پانج دریاوں کی سرزمین کا ذکر ہے۔

اگلا حوالہ 1020 کا ہے اور اس بار البیرونی کی کتاب کا حوالہ ہے جس  نےپنجند کا ذکر کیا ہے۔

اس کے بعد 1300 کا ذکر ہے جس میں حوالہ'' وصاف'' کی کتاب کا ہے جس نے پنجاب کا لفظ بھی لکھا ہے۔

اگلا حوالہ  سن 1333 کا ہے اور لکھاری ہے مشہورسیاح ابن بطوطہ کہ مراکش میں پیدا ہونے والے اس دانشور نے نہ صرف پنجاب کا نام لکھا ہے بلکہ اس کے آگے پنجاب کا مطلب پانج دریاوں کی سرزمین بھی درج ہے اور دریاوں کے نام بھی۔

اگلا حوالہ  امیر تیمور کا ہے جو سن1398 میں اس طرف آیا تھا اور اس نے بھی لفظ پنجاب ہی استعمال کیا۔

اس کے بعد پنجاب کے حوالے مغل اور اس کے بعد کے دور کے ہیں۔کیونکہ یہاں بات یہی ہو رہی ہے کہ کیا اکبر بادشاہ سے قبل لفظ  پنجاب استعمال ہوا تھا یا نہیں تو اس لیے یہاں صرف وہی حوالے لکھے گئے ہیں جو مغل دور سے پہلے کے ہیں۔

اس پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کو  آج کی قوم پرستیوں کی نظر سے سمجھنے سے اکثر  دانشور خجل ہو جاتے ہیں۔میگس تھین کی انڈیکا، مہابھارت، رامائن، المسعودی،البیرونی سے ابن بطوطہ تک پینٹا پوٹامیا اور پنجند کا ذکر تو کوئی مٹا نہیں سکتا کہ جب ابن بطوطہ غزنی سے ہوتا ہوا ہشت نگر پہنچا تو اس نے لکھا کہ اب ترکمانوں کا وطن میں پیچھے چھوڑ آیا ہوں اور ایک نئے خطہ میں  داخل ہو رہا ہوں۔یہی نہیں بلکہ ٹھٹہ سے آگے سمندر کنارے لہوری بندر اور اس کے اردگرد پھیلے شہر میں تو اس نے پانچ دن گذارے۔ اس لہوری بندر یا لہوری داہڑو بارے اگلی قسط  میں لکھوں گا۔

یہ سب پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کی کہانی بتا رہے ہیں۔اگر ہم اب بھی اسے اکبر کی عہد تک محدود کرنے کی سعی کریں تو اس میں کسی اور کا تو کوئی قصور نہیں۔