EU Final report about 25 July election exposed rigging & interference

EU Final Report on the 25 July general elections in Pakistan

Exposed rigging & interference 

Generally media and civil society as well as previous parliament is praised who did their jobs in such odd circumstances yet this report is an eye opener for those think we are very smart. The report with 30 valuable recommendations supported transition to democracy but pinpointed interference in election extensively. As signatory of numerous (particularly six as mentioned in the report) international agreements, treaties etc Pakistan should fulfill its commitments but before and after 25th July elections it earned a bad name. The final report (Published at 26th October 2018) needs special attention of Parliamentary Committee & struggling media & Civil Society so that Pakistan can revive its pride as sovereign, independent and forward looking country.

News @ www.wichaar.com
http://www.wichaar.com/news/117/ARTICLE/34075/2018-11-08.html

Extracts are here and link of complete 91 pages report is at the end.

1. Unlike in previous elections, it faced unprecedented delay in the deployment of the whole mission. Due to a series of bureaucratic delays, including with issuing visas and accreditations, EU long-term observers arrived in Pakistan later than planned and were deployed to districts only one week, sometimes less, before election day.
2. The 25 July 2018 general elections followed, for the first time in Pakistan’s history, two terms of continuous civilian rule with two elected legislatures completing their terms. The elections took place against a background of allegations of interference in the electoral process by the military-led establishment and the role of the judiciary as a political actor.
3. An increase in violent attacks and threats targeting political parties, party leaders, candidates and election officials severely affected the campaign environment in the two weeks before election day.  
4. The ECP made limited efforts to improve its transparency and accountability during the electoral period. The lack of regular communication with civil society and political parties, as well as timely information to voters on key stages of the electoral process, such as the failure to announce provisional results on time, increased the level of distrust between stakeholders and the ECP, and damaged the institution’s reputation.
5. Notwithstanding several legal provisions aiming to ensure a level playing field, there was a notable lack in equality of opportunity.
6. At first glance, Pakistan’s media appears vibrant, seemingly offering a platform for a free and pluralistic exchange of ideas. Comprehensive analysis of the media’s output, however, reveals that editorial policies were carefully calibrated to downplay issues relating to the army, state security structures and the judiciary. Concerted efforts to stifle the reporting environment were observed, and included intimidating phone calls to
   senior editors, the disruption and hindrance of the distribution of broadcast and print outlets, and harassment of individual journalists. Most of the content restrictions that affected election coverage stem from the Constitution. Article 19 subjects freedom of expression to “any reasonable restrictions imposed by law”, which diverges from international standards. Excessive content limitations, citing security, religious and
   moral concerns, are scattered throughout the legal framework for media, resulting in a catalogue of issues on which media cannot report
7. Overall the PML-N was the most featured party. However, up to two-thirds of its coverage was negative in tone, including on court cases against the party leadership and on prominent defectors. 
8. The system for resolving electoral disputes is largely a judicial model, with judges of various courts involved at different stages. ECP orders also have the same weight as High Court rulings. There was considerable uncertainty over the resolution of electoral disputes, with a high number of petitions to the Supreme and High Courts. There was a lack of transparency regarding ECP decisions on electoral disputes, as well as late changes in the make-up of panels for ECP dispute hearings.
   
   
9. The Constitution guarantees the equality of all citizens and provides for the full participation of women in national life. The Elections Act foresees the cancellation of elections in constituencies where female turnout is less than ten per cent. However, the ECP annulled elections only in one provincial assembly constituency, but not in other constituencies where female turnout was just under 10 per cent. Each political party had to nominate at least five per cent of women candidates for general seats. Seven of 95 political parties failed tofulfil this requirement. Only eight of 172 women candidates were elected to general seats in the National Assembly compared to nine in 2013 and 16 in 2008.
   
   
10. The Elections Act 2017 gives the ECP powers to allow citizen observers and international observers to observe the electoral process. However, it is at the discretion of the ECP as to whether it actually allows groups to observe, as well as the extent of access it provides. Due to a lack of clear instructions on accreditation procedures, national and international observers faced difficulties with accreditation. Observers
    were also hindered by the Code of Conduct for Security Officials which empowered security personnel to allow accredited observers and media stay at a polling station only for a brief period of time.
11. Overall, TDEA/FAFEN observation in 2018 was less visible in the field than in 2013.
12. ECP allowed the deployment of 370,000 army personnel inside as well as outside polling stations and increased their powers, including the provision of a parallel structure to report irregularities if the presiding officer did not take action.
13. However, the count, transmission and tabulation of results lacked transparency, leaving room for allegations of electoral malpractices.
    
    
14. The ECP did not meet the legal deadline for announcing provisional results by 02:00 on 26 July. On election night, the Results Transmission System (RTS) failed during the submission of results from polling stations and the ECP had to stop using it. Following widespread criticism, the ECP called for an enquiry commissionto identify reasons for RTS failure.
    
    
15. The EU EOM 2013 offered 50 recommendations for improving the framework for elections. Ahead of the 2018 general elections, five of these recommendations had been completely implemented. A further 33 recommendations were also reflected, at least partially, in the Elections Act 2017.
    
    
16. The EU EOM 2018 offers 30 recommendations for future electoral reform based on observations, analysis and extensive discussion with a range of stakeholders. It has eight priority recommendations
17. The EU EOM was led by Chief Observer Michael Gahler, a Member of the European Parliament from Germany. The EU EOM comprised a core team of ten analysts based in Islamabad and 60 long-term observers deployed in districts across Pakistan. All 28 EU member states as well as Norway were represented in the mission. On election day, the mission was reinforced by 41 locally-recruited short-term observers from the diplomatic staff of EU member state embassies, Norway, Switzerland, Canada and the

• EU Delegation in Pakistan. A delegation of seven Members of the European Parliament, led by Jean Lambert from the United Kingdom, also joined the mission. On election day, 122 EU observers followed election proceedings (opening, voting and counting) in 476 polling stations in 113 constituencies in Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Islamabad Capital Territory. The mission did not observe in Balochistan due to security reasons. 
• The EU EOM encountered significant challenges and difficulties before and during its deployment to Pakistan for the 25 July elections. The European Union had previously deployed election observation missions to Pakistan, in 1997, 2002, 2008 and 2013, but did not face the problems that in 2018 substantially affected EU EOM standard modus operandi. Unlike in previous missions, the EU EOM faced unprecedented delay in the deployment of its observers.
• Additionally, despite constant efforts, meetings with two main interlocutors, the ECP and the judiciary and the various courts, were very limited or did not take place at all. During the deployment of the EU EOM,core team analysts met only five times with ECP officials despite numerous official requests for regular meetings. All requests for meetings with the judiciary and the High Courts in the provinces were either denied or not replied to, and no information regarding complaints and appeals was shared with the mission.
• Allegations of influence on the electoral process by the military-led establishment, as well as restrictions on freedom of expression, affected the political environment.
• An increase in threats and violent attacks targeting political parties, party leaders, candidates and election officials severely affected the campaign environment in the two weeks before election day.
• The dismissal of former Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, in July 2017; his disqualification for life from holding public office for financial malfeasance in April 2018; and his arrest after an eleven-year prison sentence after the verdict of the Accountability Court on 6 July 2018 reshaped the political environment ahead of the elections. Most interlocutors acknowledged a systematic effort to undermine the former ruling party through cases of corruption, contempt of court and terrorist charges against its leaders and candidates.
• The pre-electoral environment was marred by allegations of influence on the electoral process by the military-led establishment and the active role of the judiciary in political affairs, including through its special suo moto jurisdiction.12 The apparent collusion of interests between the army and the judiciary was particularly instrumental in the dismissal of Nawaz Sharif, and his disqualification for life from holding public office. Numerous reports depicted the armed forces and security agencies pulling strings to persuade candidates of anti-establishment parties to switch allegiance or to run as independents, contributing to splitting the votes and influencing the results.13
  Media outlets and journalists suffered from undue restrictions on freedom of expression which resulted in widespread self-censorship. Several events prior to and during the campaign pointed to the shrinking space for free speech and genuine pluralism. For example, the distribution of Dawn newspaper was disrupted in May 2018 following an interview with Nawaz Sharif. In March 2018, GEO TV was taken off air across
  most of the country and was not available on cable networks in cantonment areas throughout the campaign period. Several key broadcast media editors received phone calls from state actors advising not to live broadcast the return of Nawaz Sharif on 13 July. Media were also asked to mute any statement that might contain “anti-judiciary” speech. In addition, media did not air interviews conducted with the Sharifs in
  London prior to their return to Pakistan, or PML-N, PPP, ANP and MMA leaders’ accusations of the military engineering the elections. Media referred to the Lahore High Court ruling from 16 April 2018 that upheld the ban on “anti-judiciary speeches”, based on Articles 19 and 68 of the Constitution. Overall, a range of state actors took resolute measures well before the elections to control the public political narrative and to silence any debate that might challenge the role of the military or to promote the supremacy of a civilian-led government.
  
  
• Pakistan has adopted six key international treaties applicable to elections.16 The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) were adopted over the last decade. Pakistan is also party to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (CPRW).
• Nonetheless, during the election period, the courts were petitioned on many occasions. They operated as a de facto parallel system of electoral justice to that of the ECP. Thus there was uncertainty about the exact extent and limit of the courts’ jurisdiction in electoral matters. This issue was recently flagged in a Supreme Court appeal case.42 Notwithstanding, courts did handle petitions relating to election
  matters. The Constitution addresses the right to stand in considerable detail, but the prescribed qualifications are at times vague and subjective. For example, requirements include being of good character, righteous and sagacious, honest and truthful.43 These criteria are tested during candidate scrutiny and on appeal to Appellate Tribunals. The Supreme Court has interpreted these criteria in several cases.44 In some cases, it
  refused to exclude candidates unless presented with proof of dishonesty in the form of a court order.45 In others, the Court appears to have disqualified candidates without such prior evidence.46 Failing to satisfy the current criteria can result in disqualification for life from becoming a member of parliament. Some candidates have been disqualified for not being “truthful and honest.”47 A consistent way of addressing these issues needs to be identified and implemented.48 A recent Supreme Court judgement cogently summarises, “[…] the vague, uncertain, obscure and conflicting terminology used in different provisions of Articles 62 and 63 of the Constitution…is bound to confuse the electorate at large, hound the candidates and their voters, embarrass the Returning Officers at the time of scrutiny of nomination papers, confound the Election Tribunals and become a nightmare for the lawyers and Courts in the years to come.

Read complete 91 pages report at this link

https://cdn1-eeas.fpfis.tech.ec.europa.eu/cdn/farfuture/7OsUPfcoQp4IOwOLiZfEi1dOhrRtwb_1lar-9AxZvQk/mtime:1540558548/sites/eeas/files/final_report_pakistan_2018_english.pdf

if have difficulty then check this link

https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-homepage/52858/eu-eom-final-report-25-july-general-elections-pakistan_en

Name of Punjab is ancient or created in Akhbar period? Read & Unlearn

Name of Punjab is ancient or created in Akhbar period?

Read & Unlearn 

Foreigners called it Penta Potamia since ancient times while Punjabis and other South Asians called it PunjNad , meaning of both is same i-e Land of Five Rivers and these names are preserved in books like Mahabharat, Ramayan, Indika recorded in the writings of  Al Masodi, Al Beruni,  Ibn Batuta much before Akhbar. 

Read the article published by Sujag.org

http://sujag.org/lahore/feature/punjab-name-history?fbclid=IwAR3oxcDLG9l9OuE10pd6-vTzGLzGT1mQ-fVwUn6CtH58GUhvJ5C0_o68AH0

کیا پنجاب کا نام اکبر کے دور میں پڑا تھا؟

عامر ریاض

سوشل میڈیا کے اس دور میں کھوجی کی محنت کچھ مزید بڑھ گئی ہے  کہ جعلی خبروں سے لے کر  گمراہ کن تاریخی حقائق تک ہر مال یہاں دستیاب ہے۔مگر جس بات کی طرف آپکی توجہ مبذول کروانے کے جتن میں مضامین کے اس سلسلہ میں شروع کر رہا ہوں  اس کا تعلق  ان  تاریخی غلط فہمیوں سے ہے  جو  اس ڈجیٹل زنبیل سے قبل ہی پھیل یا پھیلائی جا چکی تھیں۔ پنجاب کے حوالے سے پھیلا ئی ایسی گمراہ کن باتوں کے تدارک کے لیے ہی یہ سلسلہ شروع کیا جا رہا ہے جس میں جذبات،تفاخر و تعصب سے بچتے ہوئے دلیل سے بات رکھی جائے گی۔سائنس و تاریخ  سمیت علمی بحثوںمیں کوئی بات حتمی نہیں ہوتی کہ  نئی کھوج کی گنجائش ہمیشہ موجود رہتی ہے۔

پنج اور آب  کے الفاظ سے مل کر بننے والا یہ لفظ یعنی پنجاب، پنجابی و فارسی زبانوں کے ملاپ کا مستند و زندہ ثبوت ہے کہ دونوں ہی زبانوں میں قدیم عہد سے اک سانجھ ہے۔ ایک مثال دونوں زبانوں میں پرچلت  گنتی کی دی جاسکتی ہے جس میں دو،پنج،دہ، پنجاہ جیسے کئی اعداد کے نام سانجھے ہیں۔اس سانجھے سلسلہ کو مشہور عبقری  جی ڈبلیو لائٹنر نے پنجاب کے بارے لکھی اپنی مشہور رپورٹ نما کتاب ''پنجاب میں مقامی تعلیم''(مطبوعہ1882) میں ''فارسی پنجابی سلسلہ'' لکھا ہے۔یہ پنجابی فارسی سلسلہ کتنا پرانا تھا اس بارے عمومی تاثر یہی ہے کہ بادشاہ اکبر کے دور میں فارسی کا چلن ہمارے ہاں بڑھنے لگا تھا تو شاہد اس سلسلہ کازمانہ بھی یہی ہو گا۔اسی لیے اکثر سمجھدار لوگ بھی یہ دلیل دیتے نظر آتے ہیں کہ پنجاب کا نام تو اکبر بادشاہ کے دورمیں رکھا گیا تھا۔یہ بات کہنے والوں نے اگر مہا بھارت، رامائن، یونانی تحریریں اور البیرونی و این بطوطہ ہی کی کتب پڑھی ہوتیں تو یہ بات نہ کرتے۔فارسی زبان سے پنجابی اور اس خطہ کی دیگر زبانوں کا رشتہ جاننے کا ایک زندہ ثبوت  ہمارے رسم الخط ہیں۔ حقیقت یہ ہے کہ ہڑپائی تہذیب (جسے اب وادی سندھ کی تہذیب کہا جانے لگا ہے) اور خصوصا گندھارا سے نکلنے والی تحریروں  میں قدیم فارسی  اور خروشٹی رسم الخط سے تعلق صدیوں پرانا ہے۔اشوک  بادشاہ کے عہد میں پہاڑوں پر کندہ کیے جو کتبے ملے ہیں ان میں دیوناگری اور خروشٹی رسم الخط میں لکھی تحریریں بھی ہیں۔پروفیسر دانی سمیت بہت سے دانشوروں نے گندھارا تہذیب کے قبل از مسیح زمانے میں خروشٹی رسم الخط کی موجودگی کے واضح اشارے کیے جو دائیں سے بائیں لکھا جاتا تھا۔ اسی طرح کم از کم دو پارسی سلطنتوں میں جن کا مرکز بلخ تھا وادی سندھ کا علاقہ شامل رہا ہے جن میں ایک کا عہد 530 قبل از مسیح ہے جس کا بادشاہ سائرس بہت مشہور تھا۔ خود گندھارا تہذیب کا پھیلاو بھی وسط و مغربی ایشیا کی طرف تھا اور ایسے ہی ہندو شاہیہ سلطنت بھی اس معاملے میں گندھارا کی پیش رو تھی۔اب یہ بات کی جائے گی کہ پنجاب کے نام کا حوالہ کتنا قدیم ہے۔ قدیمی کتب میں پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کا ذکر وافر ہے جس کا حوالہ بھی دیا جائے گا۔ان پانچ دریاوں میں سندھ، ستلج، راوی، جہلم اور چناب شامل تھےکہ ماضی قریب کے لٹریچر میں سندھ کو نکال کر بیاس شامل کیا گیا جو ستلج کاایک ذیلی دریا ہے ۔

پہلی بار پنجاب کا لفظ کس نے استعمال کیا اس کا حوالہ ہمیں  فارسی اور پنجابی کی بجائے لاطینی اور یونانی زبانوں کے قدیم لٹریچر میں ملا۔ پنجاب کے لیے جا بجا ''پینٹا پوٹامیا''  کا نام استعمال کیا گیا۔پینٹا لاطینی میں 5 کو کہتے ہیں اور لفظ پوٹامیا کو سمجھنے کے لیے عراق کےپرانے نام ''میسو پوٹامیا'' کو  دیکھیں۔میسو تو دو کو کہتے ہیں کہ دجلہ اور فرات کے دریاوں کی درمیان دوآبہ کو میسو پوٹامیا  یعنی دو دریاوں کی درمیان والی سرزمین کہا گیا۔اسی پیرائے میں پنجاب کو باہر سے آنے والوں نے اپنے لٹریچر میں قدیم دور میں پینٹا پوٹامیا لکھا ہے۔پنجاب کے اپنے لوگ اسے پنجند یعنی پانج ندیوں کی سرزمین کہتے تھے کہ اوچ شریف کے نزدیک پنجند کا مقام اسی ماضی کی یادگار ہے۔اب اگر پنجاب کو 6ویں بار تقسیم کیا گیا تو پنجند کو بھی پنجاب سے دیس نکالا مل جائے گا۔ یاد رہے کہ ندی، نہر اوردریا پرانی کتب میں  ایک ہی معنی میں استعمال ہوتے تھے۔

پنجاب کے نام کی قدامت کا ایک مستند حوالہ  مشہور اینگلو انڈین ڈکشنری ''ہابسن  جابسن ''ہے جو 1886 میں چھپی تھی جس کی تفصیل آگے آئے گی۔لفظ  پینٹا پوٹامیا کا بڑا حوالہ سکندر کے زمانے کا ہے کہ  جب میگس تھین نامی سیاح و مورخ ہمارے علاقوں میں آیا تھا اور اس  نے انڈیکا کتاب لکھی تھی۔یہ کتاب اب نہیں ملتی مگر اس کے بعد آنے والے یونانی  لکھاریوں نے کیا جن میں سب سے مستند لوئیس اریانوس ہے جس کی دوسری صدی میں لکھی کتاب کو سکندر کی مہموں کے حوالے سے اولین بچی ہوئی کتب میں شمار کیاجاتا ہے۔انڈیکا کا حوالہ بہت سے یونانی  دانشوروں نے دیا جن میں  ڈیوڈورس سیکولیس،جغرافیہ دان سٹرابو  اور پلینی بھی شامل ہیں۔ انڈیکا نامکای کتاب  حوالہ دے کر یہ بات لکھی گئی کہ میگس تھین     پینٹا پوٹامیا کے راستے انڈیا آئے اور  قدیمی پٹنہ یعنی پاٹلی پتر تک گئے جہاں اس زمانے میں چندر گپت موریہ کا راج تھا ۔

پینٹا پوٹامیا کا دوسرا مستند حوالہ  اس اینگلو انڈین  ڈکشنری میں آیا جس کو ہنری ییل اور اے سی  بورنیل تیار کیا تھا اور جس کا مقصد انگریز افسروں کو مقامی تاریخ، کلچر، روایات اور اہم معلومات سے آگاہ کرنا تھا۔

اس ڈکشنری کو  تیار کرنے میں دس سال لگے ۔ ڈکشنری میں پنجاب کی انٹری میں لکھا ہے کہ پروفیسر لیسن نے لاطینی میں لکھےایک  قدیمی مخطوطے سے  پنجاب کاقدیمی نام پینٹا پوٹامیا  درج کیا ہے۔اسی انٹری میں یہ بھی لکھا ہے کہ مقامی طور پر پنجاب کا پرانا نام پنجند ہے جو مہابھارت اور  رامائن میں بھی درج ہے۔یہی نہیں بلکہ یہ بھی لکھا ہے کہ پنج ند اور پینٹا پوٹامیا کا مطب پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین ہی ہے۔اس کے بعد ڈکشنری میں حوالے دیے گئے ہیں ان کی تفصیل بھی پڑھ لیں۔

پہلے پہلویوں کی سرزمین آتی ہے اس کے بعد پنجند اور پھر کشمیر۔رامائن، کتاب 4،باب 43

قدیم عہد سے یونانیوں، مہابھارت اور رامائن  کے حوالے دینے کے بعد ڈکشنری میں مشہور عرب سیاح مسعودی کا حوالہ ہے جو ہمارے خطہ میں 940 کے قریب آیا تھا۔ مشہور کتاب ''فتوح البلدان" (شہروں کی فتح) کے مصنف البلاذری  نے بھی مسعودی کی لکھتوں کا حوالہ دیا ہے۔مسعودی کی لکھت کے صفحہ 377 پر پانج دریاوں کی سرزمین کا ذکر ہے۔

اگلا حوالہ 1020 کا ہے اور اس بار البیرونی کی کتاب کا حوالہ ہے جس  نےپنجند کا ذکر کیا ہے۔

اس کے بعد 1300 کا ذکر ہے جس میں حوالہ'' وصاف'' کی کتاب کا ہے جس نے پنجاب کا لفظ بھی لکھا ہے۔

اگلا حوالہ  سن 1333 کا ہے اور لکھاری ہے مشہورسیاح ابن بطوطہ کہ مراکش میں پیدا ہونے والے اس دانشور نے نہ صرف پنجاب کا نام لکھا ہے بلکہ اس کے آگے پنجاب کا مطلب پانج دریاوں کی سرزمین بھی درج ہے اور دریاوں کے نام بھی۔

اگلا حوالہ  امیر تیمور کا ہے جو سن1398 میں اس طرف آیا تھا اور اس نے بھی لفظ پنجاب ہی استعمال کیا۔

اس کے بعد پنجاب کے حوالے مغل اور اس کے بعد کے دور کے ہیں۔کیونکہ یہاں بات یہی ہو رہی ہے کہ کیا اکبر بادشاہ سے قبل لفظ  پنجاب استعمال ہوا تھا یا نہیں تو اس لیے یہاں صرف وہی حوالے لکھے گئے ہیں جو مغل دور سے پہلے کے ہیں۔

اس پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کو  آج کی قوم پرستیوں کی نظر سے سمجھنے سے اکثر  دانشور خجل ہو جاتے ہیں۔میگس تھین کی انڈیکا، مہابھارت، رامائن، المسعودی،البیرونی سے ابن بطوطہ تک پینٹا پوٹامیا اور پنجند کا ذکر تو کوئی مٹا نہیں سکتا کہ جب ابن بطوطہ غزنی سے ہوتا ہوا ہشت نگر پہنچا تو اس نے لکھا کہ اب ترکمانوں کا وطن میں پیچھے چھوڑ آیا ہوں اور ایک نئے خطہ میں  داخل ہو رہا ہوں۔یہی نہیں بلکہ ٹھٹہ سے آگے سمندر کنارے لہوری بندر اور اس کے اردگرد پھیلے شہر میں تو اس نے پانچ دن گذارے۔ اس لہوری بندر یا لہوری داہڑو بارے اگلی قسط  میں لکھوں گا۔

یہ سب پانچ دریاوں کی سرزمین کی کہانی بتا رہے ہیں۔اگر ہم اب بھی اسے اکبر کی عہد تک محدود کرنے کی سعی کریں تو اس میں کسی اور کا تو کوئی قصور نہیں۔

Baba Haider Zaman of Hazara & his politics 1934-2018

Baba Haider Zaman of Hazara

& his politics 1934-2018

Hazara Punjabis are struggling for their rights since long. What is the politics and who were the political actors and why they are still on back-foot since colonial times are some questions that may lead some unheard voices and Baba Haider Zaman who died few days back give us chance to review it.

NWFP was carved from the Punjab in 1901 by amalgamating numerous Punjabi dominating areas like Hazara; Peshawar, D I Khan, Kaghan, Swat with Paktoon dominated tribal belt 

Read the Article Published in the News on Sunday at link below

The founders of the 1973 original constitution proved more visionary in hindsight. By not resolving internal provincial contradictions, opponents of the 18th Amendment gained traction in the debate on new provinces post-2010. Political parties also overlooked the complexities of federating units, treating them as political entities rather than recognizing Pakistan as a non-unitary state. This approach may have succeeded for some, like ANP, but it deepened internal conflicts, much like the Lucknow Pact's weightage formula did in 1916. A unitary approach, akin to One Unit, often leads to disasters in both federations and provinces.

Link

http://tns.thenews.com.pk/son-soil/#.W9VUaHszbIU

If the link is not working as usual, Read here

Son of the soil

 

Baba Haider Zaman, the forgotten voice of Hazaras, passed away recently

28 October 2018

Whoever wants to write a people’s history of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa cannot miss Baba Haider Zaman, not because of his political struggle but for raising the issue of non-Pakhtuns living under pressure in KPK.

Baba was a leader of the Hazara Province Movement but he admitted in his interview with Suhail Warraich (Aik Din Geo kay Sath) that if the ANP and PPP leadership had accepted the name Hazara Pakhtunkhwa for the province, he would not have raised the demand of a separate province. Interestingly, it was Mian Nawaz Sharif who initiated the suggestion but at that time, media and progressive-cum liberal political parties and intelligentsia failed to understand its implications.

Baba Haider Zaman was born in village Dewan Manal, Havelian (then district Hazara, Peshawar Division) in 1934. It was a time when the inhabitants of former NWFP were struggling to get a provincial status for the province. NWFP was carved from the Punjab in 1901 by amalgamating numerous Punjabi dominated areas like Hazara, Peshawar, D I Khan, Swat etc with Pakhtun-dominated areas like Charsada, tribal areas but had declared it Chief Commissioner Province. From 1901 until the mid-1930s it had no local bodies, no provincial assemblies and was run by the Secretary of State sitting in London rather than the viceroy. As per the 1931 census record in NWFP, 43 per cent people were Pushto-speaking and 43 per cent were Punjabi-speaking including Hindko, Pahari, Lahnda (now Seraiki) and Gojri dialects.

Baba Haider Zaman had started his political career during the regime of first military dictator Gen. Ayub Khan who himself was Hindko-speaking from district Hazara. Thanks to the personal tussle for power between two old political friends -- Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan -- since early 1940s, NWFP remained sharply divided. That tussle badly affected the relations between the two communities (Hazara Punjabis and Pakhtuns) who were neighbours since centuries. As Baba Zaman was not in the Ayub camp he could not win elections. As per the narrative of Sardar Sher Bahadur (ex-Nazim Abbottabad), in 1981 Baba was president Abbottabad chapter of Movement for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) against the third military dictator Gen. Ziaul Haq and was arrested during that movement.

Later on, he was elected Mayor of Abbottabad in the same period. He did not boycott the 1985 election unlike other MRD leadership and was elected member of provincial assembly. "I told PM Muhammad Khan Junejo not to give development funds to elected members because it will corrupt politics," Baba later revealed in his interview. But Baba could not comprehend that spreading spectre of corruption in politics was indeed the agenda of Gen. Zia and his facilitators, and that they were following that policy intentionally. Like Gen. Ayub, Ziaul Haq was creating his own lobby just to fix the PPP, the only federal pro-people popular party at that time.

In his old age, Baba admitted that elections are managed "with money and intervention by the sacred institutions in Pakistan".

During Zia’s period, a demographic shift had transpired in Pakistan that especially affected Quetta, Karachi and NWFP due to the onslaught of Afghan refugees. In the post-Zia era, many players were ready to use it internally in electoral politics by making fake ID cards. It included those who had opposed their entry in Pakistan and often called them Afghan bhagoras rather than refugees.

In 1989, Baba became a minister in the provincial ANP-PPP coalition government but did not address the challenge linked with this demographic shift. By 1990, Baba had realised there is less room for ideological politics in Pakistan when he witnessed the alliance of progressive nationalist ANP with right-leaning fundamentalist IJI against the PPP. He participated in elections throughout the 1990s but could not win. Finally, during the fourth military rule of Gen. Pervez Musharraf, he was again elected Nazim of Abbottabad in 2005. At this time, he was more close to PML-Q.

His politics took a new turn on the eve of 18^th amendment when the debate on a new name for NWFP began. He admitted that the move provoked him to launch the Hazara Province Movement. ANP leadership was adamant and not ready to give space to non-Pakhtuns living in the same land since centuries. Nawaz tried the middle way by suggesting a reasonably better name Hazara Pakhtunkhwa but PPP did not realise that, ignoring Hazara grievances will not resolve the historic conflict but perpetuate it.

18^th amendment gave new strength to Pakistan by giving provinces financial power for the first time in Pakistan’s history, a solution that our State had failed to coin under its One Unit mentality in the pre-1971 Pakistan. Had Gen. Ayub not imposed a dictatorship, politicians would have found ways to live with the East Pakistani Bengali population.

Baba Haider Zaman got some prominence due to the Hazara Province Movement but due to lack of homework, he failed to build a rational case. With smart moves, ANP had already divided Punjabi language by declaring various Punjabi dialects as separate languages through a bill during 2008-11. It is a fact that the total numerical strength of these dialects was 25 per cent even in the 1998 census but after that it reduced drastically; one should keep in mind that after merger of FATA, the non-Pakhtun percentage will further decrease.

Baba Haider Zaman died on October 24, 2018 but the issue he raised will never die. Hazara people have a long history from Gandhara to Hindu Shahi periods; even today, you can find remains of that tradition in Pakhli, Swat, Takht-i-Bahi etc. They still have reasonably heavy presence in the old Peshawar division.  Like any other community they are sons of soil, so it is the duty of KP politicians and intellectuals to resolve this riddle. But for this, they have to put aside pride and prejudices.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/566562-son-soil

پنجابیاں دی کہانی لمیری کہ بابا حیدر زمان پاکستانی پنجاب توں باہر وسن والے اوہ پنجابی سن جنہاں دی دھرتی نوں1901 دی کانی ونڈ پاروں انگریزاں پنجاب توں باہر کر دتا سی۔ بابا جی اوہ سیاسی کارکن جنہاں ایوب تے ضیا خلاف چلن والی عوامی تے جمہوری لہراں وچ حصہ پایا تے 82 سال دی عمر وچ سیاسی کم کردے ہوئے ہی پورے ہوئے۔اوہ ضیا شاہی وچ جیل توں نکل کے مئیر وی بنے تے 1985 دی اسمبلی دے ممبر وی، ضیا توں بعد وزیر وی رہے تے ایبٹ آباد دے مئیر وی پر انہاں جداں ہزارے والیاں تے ہندکو پنجابیاں دے حقاں دی راکھی لئی سیاسی لہر چلائی تے شہرتاں پائیاں۔ انہاں دی سیاست نال اختلاف ہو سکدا ہے پر انہاں دی کمٹمنٹ تے جذبہ بارے گل ہو سکدی ہے۔ جے صوبے دا ناں ہزارہ پختونخوا ہو جاندا تے اوہ نویں صوبے دی گل نہ کردے کہ ایہہ گل انہاں اک انٹرویو وچ کیتی جس دا لنک تھلے دے رہے ہاں۔

Link of the article published in wichaar.com

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34070/2018-10-25.html

News of his death in Tribune
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1833000/1-man-behind-hazara-province-movement-baba-haider-zaman-passes-away-84/

Baba Haider Zaman
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haider_Zaman_Khan

Interview of Haider Zaman
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r3U_EsyRzb8

Aik din GEO ki sath Baba Haider Zaman
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6YunUAfSfK0

Another clip Aik Din #GEO ky Sath
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l0CIwG4V5Co

3rd clip Aik Din Geo ky Sath
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nqHRq0GDk4w

A detail account of Haripur, Mansahra, Hazara, Black mountain areas as described in Digital South Asia library based on Gazetteer knowledge
http://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/gazetteer/pager.html?objectid=DS405.1.I34_V13_080.gif

Poverty of Bar & Bench: Advocates discuss in LOK LHAR radio Show

POVERTY OF BAR & BENCH 

Why our judicial system is not responding? Where are gapes? Why relevant departments, Bar councils, senior Lawyers, big chambers are reluctant? What are the REAL interests and who is the beneficiary? Becoming a power player? or participating in tricky court intrigues will hardly benefit middle class lawyers at all. Selective justice is the core issue and it is there still. It is high time to revisit Lawyer movement. 

Listen the program and understand what is missing?

Radio discussion recorded 18th October 2018 @ MastFM103 in weekly LOK LHAR Punjabi show with Aamir Riaz. Guests were Advocate Zahid Pervaiz and Advocate Younas Naul. 

Link of the news published about the discussion

کلائنٹ وی اینج ہی سوچدا ہے کہ جس چیمبر دی ریلیف لین وچ شہرتاں نیں اتھے ہی جایا جائے۔عام وکیل تے ایس وچ وی ماریا جا رہیا ہے۔ اسی روز عدالتاں وچ جاندے ہاں تے ساڈے سامنے ایہہ سب شیشے وانگ صاف ہے۔ایس سب وچ بار تے بینچ رلتی نیں۔جس وکیل دا ہتھ نہیں پیندا تے اوس وی تے اپنا کم کار چلانا ہے۔ جے سسٹم ٹھیک ہوئے تے عدالتاں وچ وکیل جتھے لے کے نہ جاون۔ ساڈے ایتھے قنون انصاف واسطے نہیں سگوں لوکاں نوں نپن لئی ورتیا جاندا ہے۔

Link of news

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34067/2018-10-20.html

اک زمانے وچ وکیل چند سو ہوندے سن پر اج ہزاراں وچ نیں۔ پہلے دو لا کالج سن اج بے شمار۔نویں وکیلاں لئی اگے ودھن دی تھاں بہوں گھٹ ہے کہ ایس بارے پردھان وکیلاں، عدالتاں تے بار کونسلاں کجھ نہیں کیتا۔
ہر کمپنی نوں لیگل ایڈوائزر رکھنا قنون پاروں لوڑی دا ہے پر ایس تے عمل نہیں ہوندا۔ وکیلاں دی ویلفئیر لئی ملن والی رقماں انہاں تے نہیں لگدیاں۔ جیہڑا امیراں دا منڈا آندا ہے اوس نوں گھروں کیس وادھو ملدے نیں پر مسلہ تے مڈل کلاس وکیلاں دا ہے۔
عدالتی بندوبست وچ بہوں وکیل کھپائے جا سکدے نیں پر ایس بارے کوئی سوچدا ہی نہیں۔سینئیر وکیلاں وی اپنا کردار ادا نہیں کیتا۔جج وی وکیلاں وچوں ہی بن دے نیں۔ جس چیمبر توں اوہ جاندے نیں فیر اوس وچ ہر کوئی وڑن دی کوشش وی کردا ہے۔ایہہ سب پچھلے کجھ سالاں توں بہوں ودھ چکیا ہے۔

Link of Radio recording

https://vocaroo.com/i/s0dB4MFltuDd

CPEC, Pakistan, China & Challenges (A radio discussion@Lok Lhar show)

#CPEC, #Pakistan, conspiracies, politics and future. Myth & Reality 

Discussion regarding a research study published recently by Center for Public Policy & Governance FCC.
Guests: Author of Study and Founding Director #CPPG Dr #SaeedShafqat and Ghulam Mujtaba Geologist, political analyst and president AWP Lhore. Along with Aamir Riaz TuTu.

Recorded @ MastFM103 Lhore Station October 11, 2018

Do we knew about 12 agreements we did with #IMF in last few decades? Do we knew what were the conditions we had signed in past with #ADB? #WB? etc

Link of the news
http://www.wichaar.com/news/118/ARTICLE/34062/2018-10-13.html

Who is against CPEC?& #ChineseInvestment globally, regionally and locally? 
What are facts ? figures? 
Do governments share details of every Foreign investment Project or same old investors are raising transparency issue in CPEC only?

Why #PTI government made it controversial ?
Is it the first mega plan in State of Kashmir lands? 
Why old colonizers and their cronies in Pakistan are determined to call CPEC, a colonization project?

A video clip of Dr Saeed Shafqat

https://youtu.be/kB51Hq2kU_M


Another video Clip of CPEC program, Ghulam Mujtaba & Dr Saeed Shafqat
https://youtu.be/IzAPa0ocOrA

Complete Recording of radio show
https://vocaroo.com/i/s04hQemTMNlK

Why we forgot ancient Jogi Sufi inclusive Traditions in the Punjab? A Review

Elapsed philosophical & intellectual traditions of the Punjab

Aamir Riaz
Published in the News October 7, 2018

Link of the article is
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/elapsed-philosophical-intellectual-traditions-punjab/#.W7zjsHszbIV

Qazi javed is no more physically yet his writings and Gul baat will remain with us. I did a program with matchless writer , you may watch three clips and can listen complete radio show. I did review of his book at #TNS too. He was director of Idara saqafat e Islamia, member Punjabi adabi board, owned many good books in Urdu and Punjabi. Listen him. Our policy makers and rulers cannot understand that loss.

Radio show with Qazi Javed along with few video clips

• 
  

Jogi or Yogi Sufi traditions are as ancient as the history of orality in the Punjab. From momentous monastic Tilla Jogian near Rohtas Fort to the ancient spiritual centre Uch Sharif near Punjnad in South Punjab, you may trace the flight of the land of the fiver rivers’ philosophical & intellectual traditions. In that tradition you can include Bhartari Harat, the Philosopher prince of Tilla Jogian, Data Ganj Bakhsh, Baba Farid Ganj Shakar, Makhdoom Jahaniyan Jahangasht, Baba Nanak, Shah Hussain Lhori also know as Madhulal Hussain, Sultan Bahu, Bulleh Shah, Suleman Taunsvi, Waris Shah, Hazrat Khawaja Shams-ud-din Sialvi, Khwaja Farid, Mian Muhammad Bakhsh and Peer of Golra Shareef. These are a few names but the pertinent question is why have we forgotten that tradition? If it was a colonial agenda than why have South-Asian scholars failed to include it in post-colonial literature? Young scholars should investigate it and for this they have to study it first.

Thanks to the garrison state narrative, our colonial masters largely ignored these old traditions while developing new school systems and re-writing our history, but the most disturbing reality is our own criminal attitude towards these traditions and our own part in disowning them. These intellectual traditions are still absent in textbooks not only in public institutions but also in private schools. We have already paid a heavy price in the form of extremism across Pakistan due to this ignorance.

I remember when I did a review of school textbooks and raised this question in front of many experts. Some said they were anti modernity, others said they were heretics and still others felt they were part of Hindu traditions and a divergence from Islam. I asked them why in spite of continuous rejection from the state since colonial times do people still love & respect them. The answer was similar and like any high church, they easily linked it with illiteracy. In simple words, they said, as people are ignorant and illiterate they revere these figures due to their superstitions. Such over simplifications are actually the poverty of literacy and deeply prevalent in our part of the world.

However, this perception is vanishing gradually because people are compelled to find out-of-the-box solutions against extremism especially in the post-Cold War era. In this context, it is essential to read Qazi Javed, an eminent scholar, columnist, author and currently director of the Institute of Islamic Culture. Born in the walled city of Lahore, Qazi Khana, he has penned many books including Punjab Kay Sufi Danishwar, Sir Syed Say Iqbal Tak, Hindi Muslim Tehzeeb etc., but here I want to introduce his Punjabi book, Punjab Di Sufiana Rawayat that explains 1000 years of the philosophical and intellectual history of the Punjab. A thoroughly researched book with complete references, rare in Urdu or Punjabi, it covers personalities from Data Ganj Baksh (1009-77) to Khwaja Ghulam Farid (1845-1901) and Pir Mehr Ali Shah of Golra Shareef (1859-1937). The book is a rare treatise for students of history, philosophy, sociology & political science.

Although the book has rare references about ancient Jogi traditions, yet when I discussed this with him in my weekly radio show, he took no time to link Qadari, Qalandri and Malamti traditions with our Jogi past.

In the preface, late Asif Khan, an eminent scholar of Punjabi, rightly explains why the writer has an edge on the previous books written on the same topic. “Qazi not only wrote about saints but also linked his thoughts with the circumstances of that era’’. It is always important to know the time and space of a personality. This enables you to understand the depth of his writings. If you need to understand Karl Marx then without reading his polemics you may just drown in dogma.

In just a brief span of 160 pages the writer has successfully introduced 1000 years of our intellectual rainbow. From the book of Data Sahib, Kashful Mahjoob, he reproduces a paragraph in favor of music. You can understand why Punjabis have a special love for Chishti and Qadri traditions. Although it has little introduction of Qarmati and Ismailia traditions yet one can sense the reasons behind the rise of Shurwardya traditions in Uch & Multan against the ruling Ismailia ones. But the most influential intellectual tradition in Muslim Punjab came from the teachings and thoughts of the saint, philosopher and poet Ibn e Arabi (1165-1240) who was born in Spain and was the author of 800 attributed works, over 100 of which survive in manuscript form. His work encompassed both Sunni and Shia identity and thought.

‘It is well known that Ibn e Arabi, from the point of view of his madhhab was a Sunni but it is also known that he wrote a treatise on the twelve Shiite imams who have always been popular among Shiites’, wrote Syed Hossein Nasr. Qazi smartly introduced polemics among saints on various issues including Wahdatul Wajood, Wadhatal Shahud, as well as some no-go areas. He admitted that Wahdatul Wajood’s intellectual traditions were very much prevalent in the Punjab much before Ibn Arabi. It is interesting to know that Fakhruddin Iraqi, who later became the son-in-law of Sheikh Baha-ud-din Zakariya, was the first person who introduced Ibn Arabi in the Punjab, and he visited here by a virtue of a group of Qalandars.

The book is divided into three chapter, first covers the initial period (From 1000 to 1350), second chapter covers the period from mid-14^th century to mid-18^th (1750) century when Baba Bulleh Shah died. The writer called it ‘an era of enlightenment’ and discussed Baba Nanak, Bhagati Movement, Madhulal Hussein, Qadri order, Sultan Bahu, Mian Mir, Syed Jaunpuri, Mulla Shah Badkhshani (pupil of Mian Mir and teacher of Dara Shakoh) and ends this chapter on Baba Bulleh Shah. He also discusses Majadid Alif Sani and Shah Wali Ullh in the same chapter in passing.

The last chapter is ‘era of defeat’’ that starts from Noor Mohammad Maharvi, born near Chishtian, district Bhawalnagar in village Chotala around 1730. This Kharal saint can be credited for reviving the supremacy of the Chishti order in the Punjab. His original name was Behbal but his murshad called him Noor Muhammad. He studied in Lahore & Delhi.

His murshad was Shah Fukhruudin whose madrassa was famous in Delhi. In 1750s, when he returned to Punjab his murshad often recite a couplet

تن لٹکے من چھیرن سرت ملووں ہار

مکھن لے گیا پنجابی، چھاچھ پیو سنسار

 Khawaja Suleman Tunsavi was among the famous disciples of Maharvi. Like his murshad, Tunsavi too was preacher of Ibn Arabi. During his times Syed Ahmad Shaheed had launched a jihad against Maharaja Ranjit Singh but according to writer saint Suleman did not endorsed it. He advocated that Shariat and Taraiqat are two ways but their goal is same. His disciple Khawaja Shamsudin Sialvi too earned lot of respect among Punjabi saints. Another disciple of Maharvi was Khawaja Aqil in MithanKot and famous poet Khawaja Ghulam Farid was from his family. Farid was also a lover of Ibn Arabi. In the last pages writer ended his book on Syed Mehr Ali Shah of Golra, Rawalpendi, who was another lover of Ibn Arabi. In 1933, Allama Iqbal got an invitation from abroad to read a paper on Ibn Arabi then Iqbal wrote a letter to Peer Golra Sharief for helping him out. 

Although the book has no index but it enriches you with 1000 years of intellectual and philosophical history of the Punjab and for it we are thankful to the writer and the resilient Punjabi Adabi Board which is consistently fighting against the odds by publishing such books.

Punjab Di Sufiana Rawayat Author Qazi Javed
Pages 160
Reprint 2017,
First published in 1998 Publisher Punjabi Adbi Board 2 Club Road, NirsangDas Garden, the Mall Lahore
Price Rs 250

State of Journalism, Anchor Mafia and Facts: Radio discussion by Journalist leaders

State of Journalism, Anchor Mafia and Facts: Radio discussion by Journalist leaders

Freedom of press is linked with state of journalists in general rather then discomfort of anchor mafia who are earning lucrative money , have special protocols, guards etc. 56% journalists in Lhore are getting less then 22000 monthly salaries while few anchors are getting 2.2 million money. Journalist organizations are divided massively and it is unfortunate. Listen and read what Muhammad Shahbaz Mian two times Ex President & Secretary Lhore Press Club and Abdul Majeed Sajid current Secretary LPC said. 

News link

  ہن صحافت وچ لکھن پڑھن دا کم ہورے کتھے گواچ گیا ہے۔

محلے دی پدر تے جا کے کیبل بند کرانا یا اخبار ڈکنا تے آزادی صحافت وچ رکاوٹ توں وی بھیڑا کم ہے۔
میڈیا وچ ہن کوئی نواں کم کرنا چا رہے نیں جس دا انہاں نوں وی نہیں پتہ تے سانوں وی نہیں جیہڑے بڑے نیڑے توں ویکھدے ہاں۔
صحافیاں دی جتھے بندیاں نریاں دکانداریاں بن چکیاں نیں۔
ایس ویلے پریس کلب ہی نیں جیہڑے صحافیاں لئی کم کر رہے نیں۔ایس پاروں کلباں تے بھار وی ودھ گیا ہے۔

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34060/2018-10-08.html

Link of Radio discussion

https://vocaroo.com/i/s1GKO9EYIBtj