Politics behind South Punjab. Listen Radio Discussion

Complexities & Riddles linked with South Punjab Issue

Listen the discussion and try to understand what is still missing in the debate. You can also write about it . 

News about the show 

ایس مسلہ تے گل بات دی لوڑ ہے اتے جے سرکار مسلہ حل کروانا چاہندی ہے تے اوہ نویں صوبیاں بارے قومی پدر تے پارلیمانی کمیشن بنائے۔ پی ٹی آئی دے منشور وچ جنوبی پنجاب نوں صوبہ بناون دی وجہ غربت تے پسماندگی لکھیا ہے۔یو این ڈی پی دی رپورٹ2017وچ صوبیاں تے ضلعیاں دے حوالے نال غربت دے چارٹ دتے نیں۔ جن26ضلعیاں دی حالتاں سب توں ماڑیاں نیں انہاں وچ پنجاب دا اک ضلع وی رلتی نہیں۔ سب توں ودھ غربت تے پسماندگی فاٹا تے اوس بعدوں بلوچستان وچ ہے۔ 26 سب توں پسماندہ ضلعیاں وچ درجن توں ودھ نرے بلوچستان وچ نیں۔ وڈے صوبے نوں ٹارگٹ کرن دی پالیسی پہلے دن توں بنائی گئی جیہڑی اج وی جاری ہے۔
کاشف بلوچ:جنوبی پنجاب صوبہ محاذ والے کٹھ پتلیاں نیں۔ پہلے ایہہ گل کرنی چاہیدی ہے کہ کیا سرائیکی کوئی وکھری زبان ہے؟ کیا اوہ وکھری قوم نیں؟
احمد رضا: گل بات ہونیچاہیدی ہے پر جس اصول تے تسی پنجاب نوں توڑو گے اوہی باقی صوبیاں تے وی لگن گے۔جنوبی پنجاب دے زمینی حقائق نوں ویکھنا ہوئے گا۔ ہن بہاولنگر وچ تے سرائیکی بہوں تھوڑے نیں۔ 
نین سکھ:سرائیکی زبان ہے یا لہجہ ایس بارے بھرنویں گل نہیں ہوئی۔دھرتی دے حوالے نال اسی کوئی بحث وی نہیں کیتی۔سرائیکی دانشوراں دا آکھنا ہے کہ ساڈی زبان پنجاب، سندھ،بلوچستان تے خیبر پی کے وچ بولی جاندی ہے۔ 

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34046/2018-09-01.html

Recording of radio show recorded at 30th August 2018

https://vocaroo.com/i/s0hd6hBCxgjh

UNDP report 2017 some facts

Very Lowest

Low Human Development

Poverty data across Pakistan

The forgotten Afghanistan: Twisted history, King Shujah and problems in scholarship

The forgotten Afghanistan

Twisted history, King Shujah

& problems in scholarship

Link of the article published in The News
http://tns.thenews.com.pk/forgotten-afghanistan/#.W4Jgw84zbIV

Farrukh Husain’s over emphasis on Shah Shujah’s power struggle proves that Afghanistan’s rich history is largely missing in the recently published books about the country

May be this estranged legacy has effected author very much yet no one can justify use of bad language in a research work at all. Although the book is printed in India but it has hate speech based on communal as well as ethnic loathing. In many ways it is an example of bad taste.

if you read Alexander Gardner account, an Irish American commander, who visited Russia, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Gilgit Baltistan & the Punjab for  more than two decades (1817-41) you will find many unusual thing regarding tribes, languages and people in his book ‘’Solider and Traveler’’. He recorded presence of red kafir tribes from Ghazni to Kanduz till areas now called Noristan. Near FATA he heard an unusual language that was a mixture of Mangolian and it was Pashto.

....................

Events and personalities are not history but merely tools to understand the phenomenon; yet many of us, often strangled by events and repressed by personalities, fail to extract its essence. Overemphasis on particular events and personalities often diverts the debate from the study of the phenomenon itself to ethnolinguistic cum racist legacies.

Unlike Punjab and Sindh, Afghanistan has existed as a nation state for only 137 years. Of all the leaders that the country saw in this short period of time, Shah Shujah — grandson of Ahmad Shah Abdali (Sadduzai) and son of Taimur Shah — is perhaps the most discussed, along with Dost Muhammad Khan, Ahmad Shah Abdali and Zahir Shah.

Afghanistan in the age of Empires penned by Farrukh Husain, a law graduate of SOAS who also studied at King’s College and was called to the bar by the Inner Temple is one of the many books on Shah Shujah. Like many Sadduzais, Husain’s ancestors were victims of tribal infighting and just like the three grandsons of Abdali, the author’s ancestors had to take refuge in Punjab as well. It is perhaps this estranged legacy that had a lasting impact on the author.

Husain uses many unusual references in his book, like the letters of Tipu Sultan to Shah Zaman — King of Afghanistan and elder brother of Shah Shujah — poetry of Shah Shujah, daily court register of Maharaja Ranjit Singh “Akhbar-e-Deorhi“ together with various accounts of colonial officers; but apparently he failed to analyse it well. He seems more concerned about the lost power of Sadduzais and the precious, albeit notorious diamond Koh-e-Noor, rather than the sufferings of the Pashtun/ non-Pashtun Afghans and the overall Afghan diaspora. His reliance on colonial literature seems surprising because even in the book he mentions:“Much of Afghanistan’s heritage remains in those countries, which have invaded and plundered Afghanistan. London remains central to trade in Afghanistan antiquities.”

Without having an in-depth knowledge of the pre-colonial times — the trade, commerce, traditions, scholarship norms back then — it is hard to understand colonial literature well. A comparison of pre-colonial literature with writings of colonial times may help researchers to deconstruct any prejudices that were constructed during post-colonial times. For instance, significant socio-political information regarding the joint border areas of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan can be gathered from literature published in different languages before the colonial period.

Works on the Greco-Buddhist period, poetry of Baba Fareed, Baba Nanak and books like Al-Baladhuri’s Kitab Futuh al-Buldan, Alberuni’s Kitab ul Hindh, Kalhana’s Rajatarangini, Hatefi’s Zafar-nama, works like Baburnama or Tuzk-e Babri, Shabani Nama, Ain-i-Akbari, Tarikh-i-Tahiri, Mirat-ul-Memalik, Alexander Gardner’s Soldier and Traveller etc. can help deconstruct the narrative set by colonial literature. However, while reading the works of colonial officers it must also be kept in mind that the majority of them were not trained professional researchers.

For example, read a paragraph about the city of Kabul published in Bāburnāma translated into English from the Turkish language by Annette Susannah Beveridge in 1922 (available online at archive.org). The book, originally written by Babur in Turkish, was translated for the first time into Persian during Akbar’s reign. Babur in his book writes:

“Just as Arabs call every place outside Arab (Arabia), Ajam, so Hindustanis call every place outside Hindustan, Khorasan. There are two trade-marts on the land-route between Hindustan and Khorasan; one is Kabul, the other, Qandahar. To Kabul, caravans come from Kashghar, Ferghana, Turkistan, Samarkand, Bukhara, Balkh, Hisar and Badakhshan. To Qandahar they come from Khorasan”

About the diversity of Kabul, he writes: “There are many differing tribes in Kabul; in its dales and plains are Turks and clansmen and Arabs. In its towns and many villages are Sarts (i.e. Persians). Out in the districts and also in villages are the Pashai, Paraji, Tajik, Birki and Afghan tribes. In the western mountains are the Hazara and Nikudiri tribes, some of whom speak the Mughali tongue. In the north-eastern mountains are the places of such kafirs, non-believers, as Gawar and Gibrik. To the south are the places of the Afghan tribes.

Eleven or twelve tongues are spoken in Kabul: Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Mughali, Hindi, Afghani, Pashai, Paraji, Gibri, Birki and Lamghani. If there be another country with so many differing tribes and such a diversity of tongues, it is not known.’’

In these small paragraphs you may find many unexplored things without understanding which, you cannot understand this land and its people. Names of the tribes and their languages need special attention so they can be linked to the present times. Alexander Gardner — an Irish American commander, who visited Russia, Central Asia, Afghanistan, Gilgit Baltistan and the Punjab for more than two decades (1817-41) — in his book Soldier and Traveller, mentioned many an unusual thing about the region regarding tribes, languages and people. He recorded the presence of the Red Kafir tribes from Ghazni to Kunduz to the area now called Nuristan.  Even British handpicked King Amir Abdur Rahman, in his autobiography, mentioned a vast area where Red Kafirs were living. Over time Afghanistan evolved, however its rich history is largely missing in the numerous books published about the country.

The question remains, however, if the descendants of migrants adapt to the language, culture or traditions of the region after a few generations, where do they stand, as far as ethnic legacy is concerned? Farrukh Husain’s book is but a glaring example of how recent books regarding the history of Afghanistan have steered clear of these difficult questions.

Afghanistan in the age of Empires: The Great Game for South and Central Asia
Author: Farrukh Husain
Publisher: Silk Road Books, 2017
Price: Rs1,200

Pages: 412 

Jugi Sufi traditions & Intellectual heritage of Punjab (Radio Talk, news & Clips) Qazi Javed

Punjab has a long intellectual Tradition based on Jogi Sufi wisdom. Scholar Qazi Javed

Qazi Javed is an author , intellectual and currently Director of Idara Saqafat e Islamia (Institute of Islamic Culture) and Board member of Punjabi Adabi Board. He did research about Jogi Sufi traditions and known due to his books. At 23rd August 2018 he was a guest in my weekly Punjabi radio show LOK LHAR @ MastFM103, Lhore station and not only talk about his intellectual journey but also enrich us from his thoughts about the Punjab and its forgotten intellectual continuity, thanks to colonialism and other factors. 

Qazi javed is no more physically yet his writings and Gul baat will remain with us. I did a program with matchless writer , you may watch three clips and can listen complete radio show. He was director of Idara saqafat e Islamia, member Punjabi adabi board, owned many good books in Urdu and Punjabi. Listen him. Our policy makers and rulers cannot understand that loss. 14 November 2020

Watch a clip of the radio show

https://youtu.be/qZgdDzvDIKk

News of the program

اپنے غیر مسلم ماضی نال ٹٹ کے اساں بہوں کجھ آپ گنوا دتا۔

تصوف دھرم توں پہلے دی ہک عالمی لہر ہے تے ایس دے قدیمی حوالے چین، عرب، یورپ سنے بہوں تھاواں تے تگڑے رہے۔
داتا صاحب شریعت تے طریقت نوں رلا کے چلاندے سن تے ایہہ گل پنجابی صوفی ریت وچ اگڑویں ہے۔
داتا صاحب تے موسیقی دے حق وچ دلیلاں دتیاں، ایہو گل امام غزالی ہوراں وی کیتی۔ پر اج دے صوفی ایس نوں پڑھدے نہیں۔
داتا صاحب دا قول،
’’جو بندہ ایہہ کہوے کہ مینوں چنگی آواز، نغمہ تے ترنم چنگے نہیں لگدے اوہ یا جھوٹا ہے یا منافق ہے یا اوہدے وچ حس لطیف نہیں۔ اجیہا بندہ اپنی بے حسی تے کوڑ ذوقی پاروں جانوراں توں وی بدتر ہے۔‘‘
کشف المعجوب، سیس علی ہجویری، اردو ترجمعہ عبدالرحمن طارق ص334
قادریہ، چشتیہ سلسلہ دے نا جڑے بندے، لوکاں دے نیڑے رہندے سن جداں کہ سہروردیہ دربار دے نیڑے رہندے سن۔ 
پندرھویں صدی بعد پنجاب وچ آزادخیالی دا زمانہ آیا۔ بابا نانک، بھگت کبیر،مادھو لال حسین توں بلھے شاہ، شاہ لطیف سنے ایس وچ بہوں صوفی دانشوراں حصہ پایا۔ انگریز دے آون تیک ایہہ سلسلے بہوں تگڑے رہے پنجاب وچ۔
انگریز دے زمانے وچ صوفی دانشورانہ سلسلہ نوں کجھ ہور بنا دتا گیا سی۔
اج وی سب توں وڈا گھاٹا ایہہ ہے کہ ایتھے جوگی صوفی ریت دی پوری تریخ نہیں لکھی گئی۔
پنجاب دی دانشورانہ تریخ دنیا وچ سب توں لمی ہے۔
یونانی فکر نے بہوں اثر پایا پر انہاں وچ فکر دی تریخ سو سال دی ہے جداں کہ پنجاب دی دانشورانہ تریخ ہزار سال توں ودھ ہے۔

Read complete News at link below

http://www.wichaar.com/news/119/ARTICLE/34042/2018-08-24.html

Another Clip of the program 

https://youtu.be/A8NXBqHWZYg

Link of the complete radio show

https://voca.ro/1or54w93UpTS

غربت،پسماندگی،مضبوط مرکز،نئے صوبے اور وفاق کا استحکام: مجبوریاں،امیدیں و خدشات

غربت،پسماندگی،مضبوط  مرکز،نئے صوبے اور وفاق کا استحکام

مجبوریاں،امیدیں و خدشات

عامر ریاض

تحریک انصاف  خیبر پختونخوا ، پنجاب اورمرکز میں ''اقتداری'' ہو چکی ہے ۔ پنجاب میں انھوں نے جنوبی پنجاب سے بزدار بلوچ قبیلے کے سردار (تمن دار) کو  وزارت اعلی کے لیے چنا ہے۔ بلوچستان میں وہ  نومولود بلوچستان عوامی پارٹی(باپ) کے اتحادی ہیں جبکہ بلوچ رہنما اختر مینگل مرکز میں اس پارٹی کے اتحادی ہیں۔ سندھ کی دو پارٹیاں جی ڈی اے اور ایم کیو ایم بھی تحریک انصاف کے ساتھ ہیں۔گو کہ مرکز میں ان کے پاس اتحادیوں سمیت صرف 176 ووٹ ہیں جو کم از کم کسی بھی آئینی ترمیم کے لیے انتہائی ناکافی ہیں۔یہی نہیں بلکہ وفاقی کابینہ میں  اتحادی پارٹیوں کو ضرورت سے زیادہ وزارتیں دینے کی پیچھے بھی یہی مجبوریاں آڑے رہیں۔سونے پر سہاگہ یہ ہے کہ حذب اختلاف کی جماعتوں کے پاس150 سے زائد سیٹیں ہیں۔حذب اختلاف نہ صرف قومی اسمبلی میں بہت تگڑی ہے بلکہ وفاقی اکائیوں   کی علامت سینیٹ میں تو اس کی اکثریت ہے۔تاہم پی پی پی کے بطور بی  ٹیم کام کرنے کی وجہ ہی سے سٹیبلشمنٹ اپنے ایجنڈے پر بخوبی عمل پیرا ہے۔مشترکہ صدارتی امیدوار لانے کی بجائے پی پی پی نے اپنا امیدوار کھڑا کر کے  پی ٹی آئی کے لیے رستہ ہموار کر دیا ہے۔یہ بندوبست کب تک چلتا ہے   کہ شاخ نازک پر بنے آشیانے کو ہر وقت کھٹکا لگا رہے گا۔البتہ دھاندلیوں اور الیکشن کمیشن کی کمزوریوں وکارکردگی کے حوالے سےپارلیمانی کمیشن بنا کر نئے رستے نکل سکتے ہیں جس کی وجہ سے پی ٹی آئی پر اتحادیوں کا دباو بھی کم ہوتا جائے گا۔

یہ ہیں وہ حقائق جن کی موجودگی میں پی ٹی آئی کو اپنے منشور پر بھی عمل کرنا ہے جو کسی بھی پارٹی کی سیاسی مجبوری ہوتی ہے۔انہیں ہر دم عوام خصوصا اپنے چاہنے والوں کو  یہ یقین دلانا ہوتا ہے کہ وہ جو وعدے کر کے آئے ہیں انہیں بھولے نہیں۔

پی ٹی آئی کے  انتخابی منشور  میں تیسرا باب ''وفاق پاکستان میں استحکام'' ہے جس میں پارٹی نے کچھ اہم وعدے کیے ہیں جن کا تعلق فاٹا کے انضمام، بلوچستان میں مفاہمت،گلگت بلتستان کے حقوق، کراچی کی اصلاح، جنوبی پنجاب صوبے بارے  بحث شروع کروانے، دیار غیر میں رہنے والے پاکستانیوں کی شرکت بڑھانے کے ساتھ ساتھ صنفی مساوات اور اقلیتوں کے حقوق سے ہے۔ ان میں سے زیادہ تر مسلوں کا تعلق براہ راست آئین سے  بھی ہے اور قومی سلامتی سے متعلق پالیسی سے بھی۔ان مسائل پراپوزیشن سے تصفیہہ تو دور کی بات، خود اتحادی جماعتوں میں بھی اتفاق نہیں۔ان گونہ گوں مگر اہم مسائل پر بحث کے لیے  پارلیمان ہی نہیں بلکہ پارلیمان سے باہر وسیع تر مشاورت کی ضرورت ہے۔2008 اور 2013 کی حکومتیں 18ویں ترمیم اور الیکشن ایکٹ 2017 پاس کرواتے وقت بھرپور سیاسی تناو کے باوجود ایسے امتحانوں سے  کامیابی سے گذریں ہیں۔اس لیے یہ توقع کی جاسکتی ہے کہ  دوسرے جمہوری تسلسل کے بعد بننے والی سرکار بھی  پارلیمان کے ذریعے  بہت سے اہداف حاصل کر سکتی ہے۔ مگر اس کے لیے کلیدی کردار حکومت وقت ہی کا رہے گا۔

نئے صوبوں کی بحث کرتے ہوئے پارٹی کے منشور میں اکائیوں یعنی صوبوں میں توازن کی بات کرتے ہوئے پسماندگی اور غربت  کا حوالہ دیا گیا ہے۔پاکستان میں بجا طور پر پسماندگی اور غربت ایک بڑا مسلہ ہے  مگر اس کو اگر حل کرنا ہے تو اس کو جانچنے کا پیمانہ صوبوں کی بجائے اضلاع ، تحصیلوں اور یونین کونسلوں کو بنانا ہو گا۔ پسماندگی اور غربت کا شکار لوگوں کی ایک بڑی تعداد تو شہروں میں رہ رہی ہے جس میں بہت سی وجوہات کی بنا پر آئے دن اصافہ ہو رہا ہے۔خود دیہات میں رہنے والے غریب روٹی روزگار کے لیے دھڑا دھڑ شہروں کا رخ کرنے پر مجبور ہیں۔آپ ڈیٹا کے مطابق اعداد و شمار دیکھ لیں کہ اضلاع، ٹاون اور تحصیلوں کے حوالے سے پسماندگی و غربت  کی کیا صورتحال ہے۔یو این ڈی پی کی ملٹی ڈیمنشل انڈکس برائے غربت، ایم پی آئی  کے مطابق ملک میں سب سے زیادہ  غربت فاٹا اور بلوچستان میں ہے جو 73 اور 71 فیصد بتائی گئی ہے۔اس کے بعد سب سے زیادہ غربت خیبر پختونخوا میں 49٪ ہے۔گلگت بلتستان اور سندھ43٪ سے اس کے بعد آتے ہیں جبکہ پنجاب میں غربت کا تناسب 31٪ ہے۔اب اگر ان اعداوشمار کو اضلاع و تحصیلوں میں منقسم کر کے دیکھا جائے تب یہ راز کھلے گا کہ ان صوبوں کے کون سے اضلاع و تحصیلیں غربت و پسماندگی میں زیادہ بری صورتحال کا شکار ہیں۔یو این ڈی پی کی حالیہ رپورٹ ،میں جن 26 اضلاع کو غربت  میں سب سے نیچے بتایا گیا ہے  ان میں پنجاب کا ایک بھی ضلع شامل نہیں۔ان میں تین، تین  اضلاع  توسندھ اور خیبر پی کے میں ہیں جبکہ 20 بلوچستان۔البتہ درمیانے درجے کی غربت کے اشاریے میں چاروں صوبوں کے اضلاع شامل ہیں۔یہاں بھی اگر اضلاع اور تحصیلوں کو معیار مانا جائے تو غربت سے اٹے علاقوں کی نشاندہی مشکل نہیں۔ صوبوں کو تو گذشتہ دس سالوں سے بہت پیسے بھی مل رہے ہیں مگر اضلاع و تحصیلوں تک وہ پہنچ ہی نہیں پاتے۔ خود پی ٹی آئی منشور کے باب دوم اور چہارم میں مقامی حکومتوں کو مضبوط کرنے اور شراکتی ترقی کی جو بات اٹھائی گئی ہے وہ بھی اس بات کی متقاضی ہے کہ  پسماندگی اور غربت جیسے مسائل پر معاشی عدم مرکزیت کے بغیرقابو نہیں پایا جا سکتا۔ جیسے 18ویں ترمیم  میں صوبوں کی سطح پر معاشی عدم مرکزیت کرتے ہوئے مختض رقوم خودبخود صوبوں کو منتقل ہو جاتی ہیں ویسے ہی اضلاع، تحصیلوں اور یونین کونسلوں تک  فنڈز اور ذمہ داریاں بشمول ترقیاتی پراجیکٹ منتقل کرنے ہوں گے۔

 اس کا یہ مطلب ہر گز نہیں کہ نئے صوبے بنانے کی بحث کو دفنا دیا جائے ۔ نئے صوبوں کا مطالبہ مختلف وجوہات کی بنیاد پر چاروں صوبوں میں کیا جاتا رہا ہے۔ اس بارے اگر پارلیمان کی نگرانی میں قومی کمیشن  بنا دیا جائے تو  مختلف وجوہات و پہلوں پر تفصیلی بات ہو سکتی ہے۔ اب وسطی پنجاب اور کراچی والوں کا یہ اصرار ہے کہ وہ ٹیکس بہت دیتے ہیں۔ ایسے ہی  سندھ کے ایک لیڈر نے کہا کہ کیونکہ سندھ کا  تاریخی  تسلسل ہے تو یہ منقسم نہیں ہونا چاہیے۔ پختون قوم پرست ایک پٹھان صوبے کی بات  کرتے ہیں۔ یہ بات بھی اہم ہے کہ چار صوبوں پر مشتمل اس اکائی کو کسی تعصب یا تفاخر کے تحت  ایک طرف سے ادھیڑنے کی کوشش کی گئی تو بات کہاں سے کہاں نکل جائے گی اس بارے بھی غور کرنے کا وقت یہی ہے۔تاہم ماضی کا تجربہ گواہ ہے کہ قومیتی، لسانی  و ثقافتی رنگا رنگی کو تسلیم نہ کرنے کی وجہ سے یہ مسائل بگاڑ کی طرف گئے ہیں نہ کہ ہم آہنگی کی طرف۔یہ سب باتیں توجہ طلب ہیں کہ اگر پی ٹی آئی سرکار حذب اختلاف کے ساتھ مل کر اس بحث کو شروع کرنے کا فورم بنا دے تو ہم بحثیت قوم کسی تصفیہے کی طرف بڑھ سکتے ہیں اور یہی استحکام پاکستان  کے لیے خوش آئیند بھی ہو گا۔تاہم اس میں کلیدی کردار حکومت وقت یعنی پی ٹی آئی ہی کا ہو گا کہ وہ  تنازعات سے کھیلنا چاہتے ہیں یا  نئے رستوں کے متلاشی ہیں۔

Report of UNDP MPI
http://www.pk.undp.org/content/pakistan/en/home/presscenter/pressreleases/2016/06/20/pakistan-s-new-poverty-index-reveals-that-4-out-of-10-pakistanis-live-in-multidimensional-poverty.html

District wise poverty in Pakistan
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_districts_of_Pakistan_by_Human_Development_Index

Problems & Omissions in Kaiser Bengali article regarding the Punjab?

Shifting political sands in Punjab

After recent flawed elections intellectuals are trying to understand it. Urdu Speaking economist & Ex adviser of Sindh government Dr Kaiser Bengali too try it yet he largely missed many facts, the most important is Rise & Fall in Pak India relations since mid1990s in particular, commonly known as Gujral Formula. It was a major shift that was resisted from deep states of both sides. In India GF is considered as a defeatist policy while in Pakistan it is portrayed as a Clever Indian Move. B Raman, an Indian security analyst explained how Indian security establishment failed it. That article was published in Indian Defense Journal  2013. We can present similar examples against GF in Pakistan too. But interestingly a visible section of society in security establishments, high church, policy makers, media, industry, arts etc was in favor of GF across the borders too. Although Kargil, Bombay and rise of Modi ruined that process in many ways but its resonance is still in the air. It is true that both Gujral and Nawaz Sharief , both were Punjabis but keeping in mind that conflict zone regarding Pak India relations is the Punjab too because of unprecedented & hilarious communal division of the Punjab in 1947. Punjab is important due to Kashmir conflict too because both Punjab & Kashmir are interconnected in many ways since centuries. it is also a reality that State of Pakistan showed its interest in revival of India Pakistan talks especially after Bombay attack 2008.

Many actors in both countries are against this conflict and consider it share wastage of resources in poor South Asia. But KB in his article ignored all multiple reasons. I will try to pinpoint some gapes in red. 

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Imran Khan has reached the Prime Minister’s House and awaiting the keys to the door. That will depend on the independents or one or more smaller parties. That there was a PTI wave was obvious. The other parties are crying foul. That is to be expected. It needs to be admitted though that, despite myriad complaints – genuine in many constituencies – the elections were by and large orderly and fair across the country. (EU report and HRCP  have largely exposed election 2018 well. What happened, reported after 6 pm at July 25th is recorded and no one call it Fair and Free. Pressure on media too exposed how Free were elections)  Balochistan, though, is a different story.

Accepting that elections were orderly and fair on election day does not mean denying that they were not engineered. The engineering started from the time the Panama off-shore accounts story broke. In the process, the courts were pressed into service, reviving memories of judicial infamy in 1958 and in 1977. The hollowness of judgments against Nawaz Sharif and their timing will stand as a testimony to the perversion of justice in Pakistan. The media too was corralled, with a few brave souls brought to heel with uncharacteristic heavy-handedness.

Essentially, the deep state’s propaganda factory that had been in full play for over three decades in demonising the Bhutto family, now went into action against the Sharifs. At the same time, all matters that could hurt Imran Khan’s political image were assiduously kept out of the courts and the media. A popular narrative was created against Nawaz Sharif and for Imran Khan. Of course, the Sharif and Zardari governance track records stood up against them and helped Imran Khan pull off a genuine victory. (First of all Zardari or PPP took more seats from 2013 so what stood against PPP then? yes they were expecting more seats in Karachi & South Punjab but handlers ruined their dreams rather daydreams. What happened with PML(N) has been explained by the writer in above paragraph but he himself forgot it while writing. What was governance record of PTI in KPK? If we ignored D I Khan Jail break or killing of Mashal Khan, closure of accountability court etc what they did in Public education & health?)   

The results of the election and the machinations behind it can now be treated as historical facts. The question that arises is why did the deep state that had mid-wifed Nawaz Sharif’s political career from the 1980s onwards, created a spurious political alliance – the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) – in 1988 to prop him up, and handed him a two-thirds parliamentary majority in 1990 now turn against him? The answer perhaps lies in the shifting political sands in Punjab. There are two major factors and one factual correction in the shifting political stands. One is official closure of cold war in late 1980s and vanishing of hope for revival after collapse of USSR in early 1990s. 2nd is rise percentage of middle classes and emergence of new urban centers in both countries due to multiple external as well as internal factors. Factual correction was a realization that Punjab is the focal point of the conflict and one must give it priority.   

For all of seven decades since independence, Punjab has been the ruling power in the country, thanks to the sheer dominance of the province in the military and the bureaucracy. Punjab was 2nd largest province in Pakistan at 14 August 1947 and Lhore was the biggest city.  Lahore was no 1 with 6,72,000, Dhakka was no 2 with 4,17,00. population of Karachi was 387000. But Karachi was made first temporary capital of Pakistan. Bengalis and Punjabis were two largest nationalities in Pakistan but neither Governor General nor Prime minister was among them. ICS class majority were not from both nationalities. Punjab was historically strong from all other provinces even before annexation 1849 and during colonial period. East Bengal was weaker part of united Bengal. As pat Indian Education Register 1920-40 Punjab was far ahead in education. On top of it Punjab was 30% of united Pakistan and 56% of West Pakistan. Analyzing civil military bureaucracy on ethnic lines is problematic in many ways because they have their own power interests.  

All along, the Punjab elite — over-represented in all corridors of power — has been united in terms of domestic and foreign policy that the state has pursued.

Highly biased and against facts: If one is adamant to analysis on ethnic or linguistic basis then Urdu Speaking from UP, CP etc were over representative in Pakistan from day one. Due to the minority syndrome (they had lived as minority in UP, CP etc) they were far Anti India then others in Pakistan. Rejection of diversity suited them. One language (Urdu) and one religion (Islam) theory suited them and it became part of objective resolution. 

 Primarily, the hawkish policy vis-à-vis India enabled the deep state to create a security state paradigm that in turn enabled the military-bureaucratic-landowner-business/industrialist sections of the Punjab elite to lay premium claims on national resources. In other words, the security paradigm framework served their core interests.

again biased comment. it is good to understand inner voices of writer well. Elite of Karachi along with their court writers sitting in capital had in mind that they were architects of Pakistan but shifting of capital disturbed their day dreaming. It was shifting of power from civil bureaucracy to military bureaucracy but KB is adamant to analyse it ethically.  Anti India narrative in Pakistan and Anti Pakistan narrative in India got importance in power mechanics after 1965 war. Till early 1960s, enemy in internal war games was Japanese in both countries. it suited deep states to start cold war after 1965 war. For thekind information of KB, security paradigm framework is just continuation of old garrison state narrative known as Frontier Forward Policy during colonial times.   

This unity no longer holds. The last two decades have seen the rise of a corporate elite in Punjab, with interests sharply at variance from the traditional elite. It commands a growing capital base and seeks investment opportunity abroad. It does not as yet possess the entrepreneurial and managerial capacity and sophistication to compete internationally. However, it sees opportunity in neighbouring India – and finds the state’s security paradigm blocking its way.

it is over simplification of a complex phenomenon and writer as usual over look many strong facts, i mentioned above.

Nawaz Sharif and his PML-N have come to represent Punjab’s corporate elite. His repeated attempts to reach out to India whenever he has been in power, even if for a short a period, testifies to his attempts to normalise relations. Notably, each of his attempts has been frustrated by the deep state, the most notable one being the Kargil episode.

Imran also said it because now our State policy is against confrontation and since last 10 years we want to revive dialogue with India. 

Clearly, the corporate elite is now increasingly at odds with the traditional elite. The conflict of interest arises from the fact that the corporate elite sees profits in improved relations with India in terms of trade and investment opportunities. However, any such rapprochement would rob the traditional elite in the deep state of the basis and reasoning and the very logic of priority in claims on the budget. Thus, the threat from Nawaz Sharif and the need to neutralise him.

As an aside, it may be said that the current campaign against Nawaz Sharif is a product of intra-Punjab conflict. 

Again a wrong rather misleading assumption. After 16 December 1971, Bhutto became sole spokesman and he was leader of the pun jab essentially. It was he who came to Lhore and founded his party as he knew its importance. From 1947 till 1971 we had witnessed a misleading fight against the majority nationality i-e East Bengalis. our state was not against Bengalis but thanks to colonial construction it was anti people and majority of people were residing in East Bengal. After 16 December 1971, State remain anti people but now majority is in the Punjab. So in the first move they cut Bhutto and the Punjab. The lesson they learned from East Pakistan crisis was much different from the lessons we want them to learn. But Bhutto knew them what they had in mind after 16 December. That is why Bhutto with the help of people like Bazenjo inculcated few smart articles in favor of provinces.  Deep State had learned the lesson based on small and weak provinces. It was Zia who exposed that policy when he said that he want to make 100 provinces in Pakistan. At initial stage he had 4 major policies and all three expedite it well. 1. cut Bhutto and the Punjab 2. three against one province  3. isolate Karachi from Sindh 4. start dividing Punjab process

Bhutto was charged in killing of a Punjabi, tried in Lahore High Court and majority judges were Punjabi. Although list of Punjabi prisoners is very long in MRD but through smart intellectuals it was declared a Sindhi movement. Conflicting issues like KBD got important space in media. Although review petition of Bhutto was rejected by all the seven Judges including Durab Pateal on technical grounds but it was propagated that Punjabi judges had hanged him. Karachi was isolated smartly through MQM, PPI etc. In 1981 census Zia had introduced Seraiki as another language in the Punjab. It was also propagated that Army is Punjab so Punjab is State. So anti Punjab politics proved a shield to protect real actors. Media was main weapon to spread all those things as usual. Many people participated in spreading those things intentionally or without intention. But expulsion of Nawaz three times from power corridors itself exposed all loop wholes well.   So KB failed to accept that we were too part of old misleading narratives  and that is why it is easy to call it infighting of Punjabi elite rather then accept our own follies.

The other provinces that have historically challenged the power structure and generally found Punjab wanting – for example, during the MRD struggle in 1983 – are now peripheral spectators. It goes to the discredit of Nawaz Sharif, the PML-N and the corporate elite that they have failed to take the other provinces on board.

To return to the elections and the PTI’s victory, the current round has handed victory to the traditional elite in the deep state. However, the corporate elite is not a transient phenomenon. It has a strong base in terms of resources and leadership. And it is rooted in Punjab. That it will continue to assert itself is inevitable. That it will at some stage in the course of a year or so force Imran Khan’s hands is also inevitable.

link of the QB article Published in TNS is 

http://tns.thenews.com.pk/shifting-political-sands-punjab/#.W2ciJdUzbIU