History and Politics of the Punjab and its surroundings with special reference to regional and international scenario.
Tuesday, December 15, 2015
16 December 1971 revisited: Role of US, Britain, USSR, India, China and our failures
16 December 1971 revisited
Role of US, Britain, USSR, India, China and our failures
Why we are still reluctant to analysis 1971 events from independent angles. I read many books, papers on that issue. I have a research book (gifted from a Bengali Hindu in 2009 when i visited Bangladesh) which showed a data of 5 million Bengali Hindus who had to migrate from Bangladesh. It was Mujib who introduced an amendment in enemy property law and targeted Bangladeshi Hindus in 1973. What West Pakistani Elite did is also a story which needs attention. Even we did not do much to understand international scene well. It was a time when China was ready to leave its isolation with the help of US. China was neighbor of both wings of Pakistan. What Britain was thinking? Pakistan realized its role till early February 1972 and Pakistan immediately left Common Wealth. International power brokers had an eye on cross border activities of India yet they kept silence due to other reasons. Newly formed Bangladeshi government and Indian PM Indra announced trial of Pakistani officers but they remained reluctant to do that. Bangalis living in West Pakistan were the major concern of Mujib Government along with China's veto of Bangladeshi membership in UN. Finally both India and Mujib retreated due to successive diplomacy of ZAB. In 2009 i met 4 people who were founder of freedom museum , created in 1996. They told me that including Mjib no government had interest in freedom movement of Bengalis against West Pakistan and we created the museum on our own. I did many interviews there, published few in Awami Jumhori Forum (People's Democratic Forum), A left journal of Lhore and Kamal Lohani explained how some West Pakistani officers strengthen Mujib and Awami League against Mollana Bhashani.The story is not as simple as we usually perceived in Sub-Continent. Here are few links to understand what was the situation at ground
US Declassified Documents
What was inside politics in US and who was who among various power players. How Pakistan became victim of US-China relations? Why C I A and Nixon were not on same page? Why the year 1971 was important and that is why US rejected support of Shah of Iran in late 1960s?
The diplomat monk
There were numerous players involved in the events of 1971 and they had different reasons for it. Hill tracks of Chittagong was a non Bengali area with Chinese decent yet in post 1972 Sh Mujieb imposed Bengali in their areas.
Less than two weeks before Bangladesh's Independence, the then US President Richard Nixon had called Henry A Kissinger twice on December 4, 1971, asking if warplanes had been sent to Pakistan.
“Did the Jordans [Jordanians] send [the] planes?” Nixon asked his National Security Adviser Kissinger in a second round of conversation that started at 12:15pm.
“17”, replied Kissinger.
Pakistan President Yahya Khan had “urgently” appealed to Jordan for a number of warplanes in the wake of the US congress amending the Foreign Assistance Act at the end of July to prevent the administration from giving Pakistan military assistance.
The US did not want to provide Pakistan with military assistance even under the “one-time exception” policy it had made in October 1970.
At that time the Jordanian military had a fleet of US-made Lockheed F-104 starfighters.
Nonetheless, Nixon and Kissinger continued to exert their influence to get military and economic assistance for Pakistan.
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Nixon did it for an obvious reason as US Senator Case put it in a question, “Did the US make any commitment to Pakistan on military assistance in connection with the arrangement for your [Nixon's] visit to Peking?”
The senator was quoted by National Security Council staff Harold H Saunders on his memo on “Military Assistance to Pakistan and the Trip to Peking” for Kissinger on July 19, 1971. The diplomatic relations of the US with China had been cut off for 25 years then.
Nixon successfully turned the Bangladesh war into an opportunity for the US to resume diplomatic relations with China.
Supporting Pakistan in the war provided Kissinger and Chinese Ambassador in Paris Huang Chan with a solid ground to initiate their discussion at their meeting on August 16. The meeting was arranged to schedule separate visits for Nixon and Kissinger to China.
“We are prevented by congress from giving military assistance but we understand it if other friends of Pakistan will give them the equipment they need,” Kissinger told Chan.
“Indian skilful propaganda” made “it next to impossible to continue military supply to Pakistan”, Kissinger continued.
“I told Huang that we would understand the furnishing of military equipment by the PRC [People's Republic of China] to Pakistan [they are doing it anyway].” Kissinger reported to Nixon about the meeting.
Kissinger also shared with Nixon Chan's view of India as “obviously interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan and is carrying out subversive actions”.
The Paris meeting occurred over a month after Kissinger visited New Delhi on July 7, 1971.
“With [Indian] Foreign Minister Singh [Swaran Singh], I began the conversation by saying I felt I owed him as a point of honour an explanation of developments in regard to arms shipments for Pakistan since his visit to Washington,” reported Kissinger about his visit to Daniel J Murphy, military assistant to the secretary of defence.
Kissinger did meet Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. “I took the same general line on India's importance without going into as much detail on the arms shipments,” he reported.
It is, perhaps, because of his awareness of the letter Gandhi had written to Nixon on August 9.
“Our government is greatly embarrassed that soon after our foreign minister's return from his Washington visit and despite the statements made by ambassador Keating in Bombay on April 16th and by the state departments spokesman on April 15th came the news of fresh supplies of US arms to Pakistan,” wrote Indira Gandhi.
Since the 1965 India-Pakistan war, the US refused to “supply or to license the export of lethal end-items for Pakistan” until “the so-called one-time exception” policy was made just ahead of 1971 war, in October 1970.
Under the exception, the US agreed to supply Pakistan with “300 armoured personnel carriers and approximately 20 aircraft”.
This arms dealing was dubbed “State Department's deception” by some US congress members.
Kissinger's memo on “Policy Options Toward Pakistan” for Nixon, prepared on April 28, 1971, was a proof. His first option was “Supporting whatever political and military program President Yahya chooses to pursue in the East”.
The second option was “On military assistance, we would have to defer all deliveries of ammunition, death-dealing equipment and spare parts…”.
Still, Kissinger asserted, “Our military supply, while relatively small and unlikely to affect the outcome of the fighting, is an important symbolic element in our posture.”
The symbolic element did have a “selective genocidal” impact on the people of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), according to a March 29, 1971, telegram sent by Archer Kent Blood, then US consul general in Dhaka.
“Appalled At Possibility These Atrocities Are Being Committed With American Equipment,” the telegram's first few sentences included.
Two days later, on March 31, in another cable titled “Army Terror Campaign Continues in Dacca…”, Blood reported seeing “Two F-86's” taking off in the direction of Pabna following an Army Radio broadcast of Pakistani military facing some resistance there”.
The F-86, known as North American Sabre, is best known as the United States' first swept wing fighter.
However, the quantity of war weapons the US had supplied to the Pakistan military could not be known.
Still, on July 7, over lunch with “high level” dignitaries in New Delhi, Kissinger expressed his belief, “…$20 million of arms shipments…” “…would be forgotten in a couple of years.”
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The diplomat monk
The Buddhist envoy who 'just cried in front of people abroad for Bangladesh' in 1971
For someone who all his life has believed and preached that Ahimsa Paramo Dharma or non-violence is the ultimate dharma, it is not easy to take up arms and go to war.
So, Pundit Ven Sangharaja Jyotipal Mohathero, after leaving the motherland for India like millions of others in April 1971, was looking for some other way to do something for the liberation of Bangladesh.
The Buddhist Bhikkhu (monk) found his path after he came to know that some of his close acquaintances in Laksam of Comilla were murdered by the Pakistan army.
He decided to launch a campaign among Buddhist countries to expose the Pakistan barbarity and drum up support for the cause of Bangalees.
As a representative of war-time Bangladesh government, he travelled to Sri Lanka, Thailand and Japan. During the high-profile visits, he never gave up his way of life as a Buddhist monk. Whenever abroad, he stayed in temples.
His campaign helped prove to the world that the spirit of the Bangalees' war was non-communal and people irrespective of religion and belief had stood up against the Pakistan occupation forces.
Apart from campaigning, Jyotipal used to visit Buddhists in different refugee camps to deliver speeches to boost their morale and teach them how to pass through such a difficult time.
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However, it took four decades for the state to honour the Buddhist monk for his role in the Liberation War. Jyotipal Mohathero was given Ekushey Award in 2010 and Independence Award in 2011 but both posthumously.
Born in Laksam in 1914, Jyotipal Mohathero was known to Pakistan government as he was elected president of Bouddha Kristi Prochar Sangha. He was also respected for different social activities like setting up schools and orphanages.
The orphanage he set up at Baria Gaon in Laksam was opened to refugees, including Muslims and Hindus, from the end of March until he left for India. He used to collect food and medicines from different sources for the sick refugees.
For all this he was blacklisted by the Pakistan military. The occupation force was annoyed with him as he dedicated his two books to persons who had left the country for India in early days of the war.
The Pakistan army moved to pick him up on April 16 but failed as freedom fighters had broken the bridge on their way to the village.
When he heard that the military was after him, he left his temple with the help of his students and reached Agartala on April 19.
It was in Agartala he learnt about the killing of some of his fellows and decided to launch his campaign.
On April 22, Jyotipal called Gopal Bhushan Chakma, an Indian government employee and his follower, and expressed his willingness to hold a press conference on East Pakistan crisis. Gopal invited journalists including reporters of Akash Bani, Ananda Bazar and Jugantor and correspondents of the foreign media.
At the press conference at Prachya Vidya Bihar, a monastery of Agartala, he described how Pakistan army was conducting genocide, burning houses and torturing women.
Sree Jyotipal Mohathero hands over $2,000 to then prime minister Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to help the flood victims in 1974. Photo: Scan from Bangladesh Mukti Songrame
As a religious figure he got attention from journalists and the next day, international media published his interview with high priority. Akash Bani and Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra repeatedly broadcast it.
The Mujibnagar government realised that the Buddhist monk would be the right person to persuade the Buddhist countries to recognise the new nation. Besides, he could inform the global Buddhist community about the Pakistan army's atrocities.
Bangladesh mission officials, especially Zahur Ahmed Chowdhury, HT Imam and Akbar Ali Khan, started a regular communication with the monk on behalf of the government.
Jyotipal issued another statement with updates on Pakistan army's brutalities and sent it through telegram to UN secretary general U Thant; Sri Lankan prime minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike; president and general secretary of World Fellowship of Buddhists and officials of Bouddha Sobhatritto Sangha.
Jyotipal got the results of his endeavour within a few days. The government of Sri Lanka and religious organisation World Fellowship of Buddhists expressed their worry over the situation in Bangladesh.
After this he took four more Buddhist monks with him and wrote a joint statement on May 12 as eyewitnesses of the massive torture by the Pakistan army.
At about the same time, Dhaka Betar, which was being operated by Pakistan junta, claimed said that the information of the Akash Bani and Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra over the war was totally wrong.
To verify the statements of the Buddhist monks and others, a delegation of 35 foreign journalists came to Agartala. They especially sat with the Buddhist monks and recorded Jyotipal's speech.
This trip of journalists played a great role in exposing Pakistan Army's mayhem on innocent Bangalees, including minority community people. After this, International Buddhist community urged the Pakistan government to stop the attacks immediately.
To counter the statements of Jyotipal and his team, some pro-junta Buddhists claimed that their community had been living in East Pakistan peacefully. They alleged that monk Jyotipal had introduced Hindu refugees as Buddhists to foreign visitors.
In response, Jyotipal made an intelligent move. He told the Indian government as well as Bangladesh mission that he would like to set up a separate camp of Buddhist refugees so that the foreigners could identify them easily.
After getting nod, he built the camp at Tota Bari hill and at its entrance of he put up a signboard reading “Bouddha”.
This intelligent move established him as a vital figure in diplomatic campaigns for the Liberation War. Indian and Mujibnagar government decided to send him to Buddhist countries. He went to Delhi on July 8 and started preparation for campaign abroad.
On July 21, Jyotipal and another Buddhist activist Ven Sridharma Birio met Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. She listened to them and before leaving said, "I am thinking what is to be done."
In the meantime, Bangladesh High Commission offered a fresh passport to him but under a different name. The Buddhist monk did not agree to accept the offer. Later, the high commission issued his passport using just one part of the name, Jyotipal.
Jyotipal and advocate Fakir Sahabuddin left for Sri Lanka from Delhi on August 7.
In Colombo, they got extensive support from the Ceylon Committee for Human Rights in East Bengal which had been working in favour of the Liberation War from the very beginning.
The committee had arranged two conferences where the two delegates presented the full picture of East Pakistan.
In five days, the duo met educationists, scholars, chiefs of the different government offices and Sri Lanka Buddhist Congress president Bipula Sar Thero, ministers and others.
The visit was extensively covered by all the news papers of the country.
On the last day of visit, they met five lawmakers in the Ganoparishad Bhaban where they described the total situation and requested them to stop the flying of Paksitani aircraft which in the guise of passenger planes were carrying soldiers and arms through Sri Lanka. It was only one flight route which was open for Pakistan to enter East Pakistan.
The lawmakers wrote a letter to Sirimavo Bandaranaike to take action in this regard.
Next day, after boarding his plane for Thailand, Jyotipal saw in the newspaper that the Sri Lankan government had restricted Pakistan aircraft landing in their airport. It was a huge setback for the Pakistan government.
The delegates reached Bangkok on August 11 and got extensive support from Bishwa Buddha Sobhatritto Sangha by sending messages to the Buddhist countries including China, Japan, Korea, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Louse, Nepal, Bhutan, and headquarters of Asia Buddhist Peace Conference in Mongolia.
After getting the message of the Sangha, Bhutan government sent a letter to Jyotipal thanking him for informing it the actual situation. The kingdom of Bhutan on December 6, 1971 became the first country to recognise Bangladesh.
From Thailand, the two-man team went to Japan on August 16. There, an organisation named Bangladesh Liberation Committee helped them a lot. It was led by a Japanese named Dr Prof Nara, who could speak Bangla.
Famous English daily The Mainchi and Japanese- Language newspaper Chugai Nip published interview of Jyotipal and Sahabuddin.
The two worked in Japan for seven days. Jyotipal then came back to India to participate in an international conference on behalf of Bangladesh. Sahabuddin went to Hong Kong, Malaysia and Singapore for campaigning.
After the conference, the monk came to his camp at Agartala on October 8 and stayed there until January 7, 1972. He returned home -- now a sovereign, independent country -- with his fifteen followers.
He was back to his Barai Gaon temple the next day. It was totally ruined by the Pakistan army. His library, which had hundreds of books, was destroyed too.
Jyotipal met Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at his Dhanmondi residence on January 12. When Bangabandhu hugged Jyotipal and congratulated him, the Buddhist monk just said, “I did nothing for the country. I just cried in front of people abroad for Bangladesh.”
After serving the country and the society for another three decades by establishing many educational institutions and orphanages as well as monasteries, including World Peace Pagoda, Jyotipal Mohathero died on April 12, 2002.
REFERENCE
Books: Bangladesh Mukti Songrame by Sree Jyotipal Mohathero; Jyotirmoy Jyotipal by Prashata Kumar Barua.
12:00 AM, December 10, 2015 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:20 PM, December 12, 2015
PAKISTAN LYING, STILL: WAR CRIMES OF PAK MILITARY OFFICIALS
They did everything to block trial by Bangladesh
Inam Ahmed and Shakhawat Liton
The villainy of ZA Bhutto and his rogue country put Bangladesh at a serious disadvantage when it started preparing for the trial of the 195 War Criminals. As a new country without much international diplomatic clout and its attempts for UN membership vetoed by Pakistan's ally China, Bangladesh had to consider the fate of the Bangladeshis held hostage by Pakistan.
Not only did Pakistan commit genocide during the war of 1971, it acted like a rogue nation and held 203 Bangladeshis hostage as bargaining chips to stop trial of its 195 military officers for war crimes who were held as prisoners of war (POWs).
Besides it launched intensive diplomatic efforts including convincing China to veto Bangladesh's bid for UN membership and appealing to the International Court of Justice to stop trial of the 195 war criminals.
These POWs included one lieutenant general, five major generals, 20 brigadiers, four colonels, 40 lieutenant colonels, 81 majors, 41 captains and two lieutenants.
They included Lt-General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi and Maj-Generals Nazar Hossain Shah, Mohammad Hossain Ansari, Mohammad Zamshed, Quazi Abdul Mazid Khan and Rao Farman Ali.
Pakistan also would not commit itself to the repatriation of about four lakh Bangalis held there in concentration camps in return for the release of its army officers. The International Rescue Committee (IRC) reported that many Bangladeshis were arrested in Pakistan just for their "alleged intent to leave Pakistan," and thousands were jailed without any charge, The New York Times reported. It also reported that the civilian Bangladeshis in Pakistan were facing serious discrimination and harassment and were being treated as "niggers."
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Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who became president of Pakistan through a military coup in late December 1971, played all kinds of dirty tricks and brought in his full weight behind his international influence to block the trial of these military officers held as POWs. His diplomatic villainy blocked recognition of Bangladesh by the UN and other international forums.
After the Pakistan army surrendered to the joint forces of India and Mukti Fouz, some 93,000 Pakistan military men were taken POWs by the Indians who promised them safety and security according to the Geneva Convention. They were moved to India.
In fact, safety of the surrendering troops was a major concern for both Pakistan and India as Bangladesh was still not recognized by most countries and not a signatory to the Geneva Convention. As such fear grew that the surrendered Pakistani soldiers might face the wrath of the freedom fighters.
TRIAL PROCESS OF 195 PAKISTANI SOLDIERS BEGINS
Soon after victory, acting president of Bangladesh Syed Nazrul Islam on December 23, 1971 first declared that Bangladesh would ask India to hand over the Pakistani officers guilty of genocides for trials as war criminals.
This caused grave concern in Pakistan.
A day later, home minister HM Quamaruzzaman announced that Bangladesh had already arrested 30 top Pakistani civilian officials and would soon put them on trial for genocide.
Meanwhile, demand for justice was growing louder in Dhaka and on December 26, widows of seven Bangladeshi officers killed by the Pakistanis asked India to help Bangladesh try the Pakistani soldiers for their crimes. In response, Indian envoy Durga Prasad Dhar said: "India is examining its responsibilities [towards the POWs] under international law."
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman returned from captivity on January 10, 1972 and announced that the killer Pakistani military men would be tried for war crimes.
Accordingly, the formal plan for trial came on March 29, 1972 when Bangladesh announced it would try some 1,100 Pakistani military prisoners including Niazi and Rao Forman Ali Khan.
A two-tier trial process was planned. National and international jurists to try major war criminals including the Pakistan army and local courts to try other war criminals, as The New York Times reported.
Just ahead of the first Dhaka visit of then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, India announced it would hand over all military prisoners against whom Bangladesh presented "prima facie cases" of atrocities.
On June 14, 1972, India as a first step towards its commitment agreed to deliver 150 POWs, including Niazi to Bangladesh for the trial.
Events progressed further as on April 17, 1973, Bangladesh and India issued a joint statement where it said “two governments are ready to seek a solution to all humanitarian problems through simultaneous repatriation of Pakistani prisoners of war and civilian internees, except those required by …Bangladesh for trial on criminal charges.”
Bangladesh started getting ready for the trials. For the local collaborators, the Bangladesh Collaborators (Special Tribunals) Order was announced.
But our constitution was amended to include Article 47 (3) in order for the trial of members “of any armed or defence or auxiliary forces” for genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Accordingly, the International Crimes (Tribunals) Act, 1973 was announced on 20 July 1973 to try the 195 Pakistani war criminals.
PAKISTAN REACTS SHARPLY
Pakistan instead of trying its war criminals reacted sharply to Bangladesh's intent to hold trial and did everything including resorting to criminality to stop it.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in a statement on May 29, 1973 said if Bangladesh went ahead with the war crimes trials, Bangalis held in Pakistan would also be subjected to tribunals.
“We have no other alternative…We cannot stomach or consent to trials of prisoners of war in Bangladesh. It would cause revulsion here and we have to react accordingly,” he said.
He threatened that “it is now purely up to Mujibur Rahman. If he proceeds on his mad venture (of war trial), it will be the single biggest cause of instability on the subcontinent.”
Bhutto sent a letter to US President Richard Nixon who all along the war had supported Pakistan. “If the 'Bangla Desh' authorities went forward with these trials they would indeed have very serious repercussions in Pakistan,” he wrote. “There are over 400,000 Bengalis in West Pakistan. We have so far succeeded in ensuring that they are not maltreated in any way. But if the projected trials took place, they would generate such bitterness and resentment among our people that irreparable damage might be done to the prospects of establishing normal relations with India and 'Bangla Desh'.”
Bhutto then started visiting different countries to get their support to block the trial. In January 1972, he visited Iran, Turkey, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, Egypt and Syria to win their support in his favour. According to Kessing's Contemporary Archives, these countries favoured Pakistan's point of view and called for negotiations between Pakistan and Bangladesh to end repatriation of POWs without delay.
PAKISTAN GOES TO THE HAGUE
On May 11, 1973, Pakistan went to the International Court of Justice in The Hague with the request that India did not hand over the 195 POWs to Bangladesh.
In its appeal, Pakistan said: “It has an exclusive right to exercise jurisdiction over the 195 Pakistani nationals or any other number, now in Indian custody, and accused of committing acts of genocide in Pakistani territory, by virtue of the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December, 1948, and that no other government or authority is competent to exercise such jurisdiction.”
But when Pakistan and India started negotiating the fate of the 195, Pakistan told The Hague court to remove the case as it was in talks with India.
BHUTTO SEEKS CHINA'S VETO
Bhutto knew it was critical for Bangladesh to get UN membership. His sinister mind started working on how to use this as a trump card to release the 195 POWs.
In a press conference on August 10, 1972, Bhutto said Bangladesh believed "it had a kind of veto over the release of our prisoners."
"There is a veto in our hands also," he said.
Accordingly, Pakistan formally requested China to use its veto power to deprive Bangladesh UN membership. When Bangladesh applied to the United Nations, China cast its veto on August 25, 1972 for the first time in the Security Council. To the glee of Bhutto, Bangladesh was refused UN membership.
Bhutto also said Pakistan would recognise Bangladesh only if its prisoners were released.
In an interview with The New York Times on May 27, 1973, he said if Bangladesh carried out the trial of the 195 Pakistanis, Pakistan would also hold similar tribunals against the Bangladeshis trapped in Pakistan.
"Public opinion will demand trials [of Bangladeshis] here … We know that Bangalis passed on information during the war. There will be specific charges. How many will be tried, I cannot say," Bhutto told NYT.
And then, Pakistan government seized 203 Bengalis as "virtual hostages" for the 195 soldiers.
After much haggling, India and Pakistan signed the Delhi Accord on August 28, 1973for simultaneous repatriation of stranded Bangalis and Pakistanis. But the 203 Bangladesh hostages were kept out the repatriation process as Bangladesh desired to keep the 195 Pakistanis out of the process.
Enraged, Pakistan in the last week of April 1973 issued a statement saying: “Pakistani government rejects the right of the authorities in Dacca to try any among the prisoners of war on criminal charges, because the alleged criminal acts were committed in a part of Pakistan by citizens of Pakistan.”
After about a year of such intense drama, Bangladesh finally agreed to exchange all prisoners including the 195 POWs because it wanted to get back its trapped 4 lakh Bangalis and it also needed UN membership.
Its 203 citizens who were held hostage by Pakistan finally returned on March 24, 1974 in return for the 195 POWs.
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