Story of Pakistan by a Civil Servant
1951-2013
Syed Munir Husain’s memoirs
Surviving the
Wreck: A Civil Servant’s Personal History of Pakistan. A New Book
Hussain has much to say about the events that took place during his time as a civil servant and casts new light on the characters of people he served with. During his illustrious career,
Hussain held important positions at some critical junctures in the history of
Pakistan.
Syed Munir Husain
was born in Lahore on May 22, 1928. Having had an M.A. in Economics from
Government College Lahore, he taught Economics in the same college for a while
but then joined the Civil Service of Pakistan. He spent next 35 years of his
life in the Civil Service. Currently, he lives in Lahore.
Husain’s main
career at a glance:
-
Deputy
Commissioner, Hazara(1959-1961)
-
Deputy
Commissioner, Karachi (1961-1964)
-
Information
Secretary, West Pakistan (1964-65)
-
Director General Radio Pakistan (1966-1969)
-
Chief Administrator and
Commissioner, Malakand Division (1969-70)
-
Managing Director, Pakistan
Television Corporation (1971)
-
Chief Secretary, Government of
Balochistan (1973-76)
-
Chief Secretary, Government of
NWFP (1976-77)
-
Federal Secretary, Ministry of
States and Frontier Regions (1983-87)
-
Federal Secretary, Ministry of
Information and Broadcasting (1987-1988)
-
President, Agricultural Development
Bank of Pakistan (1988)
-
Principal, Administrative Staff
College, (1990)
-
President of Rahnuma (1996-2005). Rahnuma isthe largest
non-governmental organization concerned with promoting family welfare in
Pakistan.
-
President South Asia Regional
Council (SARC) (2003-2008)
-
Member of governing council of
International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) London(1998-2008)
He was the Information Secretary
West Pakistan during the 1965 Indo-Pak War and served as Director
General Radio Pakistan for a long time soon after the war. He was the Chief
Administrator Malakand Division when the merger of Swat state took place.
He held the important position of Managing Director Pakistan Television
Corporation during the East Pakistan debacle and the 1971 Indo-Pak War.
Bhutto appointed him the Chief Secretary Balochistan where he played a
reconciliatory role in the Marri tribe insurgency. He was NWFP’s chief
Secretary when General Zia ousted Bhutto and imposed martial law. Junejo
made him the Information Secretary Pakistan to Zia’s utter disliking.
In Pakistan, it is rare that people privy to political
history in makingpen down their memoirs. Bureaucrats are one such people. Not
only do they witness some key events in the history of a nation but play
important roles in some of them. Yet, their contribution to the written word in
our troubled history is negligible and any addition to it always helpsus see it
anew.
Contents
Preface 1
1 Family
Antecedents, Academic Life and Civil Service Training
2 Active Service in the Frontier Province
3 Martial Law and Its Impact on District
Administration
4 Relative
Freedom of District Administration from the Interference of Governance
5 President
Ayub Khan’s Election and the 1965 War with India
6 Role of
Radio and the Abdication of President Ayub Khan
7 The Merger of Swat States
8 East Pakistan Debacle
9 Marri Tribe Insurgency and Deployment of Army
10 Aftermath of National Elections in 1977 214
11 1982
Decimal Population Census and Repercussion of Russian Invasion of Afghanistan
12 Cleavage
Between President Zia and Prime Minister Junejo
13 Return of
Civilian Rule
14 Civil Services under Martial Law and Civilian Rule
15 Need for a Durable Governance
16 Nation’s Capacity to Address Its Painful Past
Acknowledgments
Index
Acknowledgments
The main support to write this book
came from my wife Maliha Munir Hussain, my sons Syed Mansoor Hussain and Syed
Masroor Hussain, and my son in law Major Tariq Mahmood. In hindsight, I realize
this work could not have been accomplished without their affection and
encouragement.
I am especially grateful to Anwaar
Nasir and Aamir Riaz of ILQA Publications for their editorial advice, for
improvements in the format of the manuscript and giving shape to the book.
Finally,
I would like to thank Rahmat Ali Sajid for the laborious work of typing and
then computer composing the manuscript written in my long hand.
Extracts
1. The narrative, basically,
covers what I experienced under the changing structures of governments under
civilian and martial law dispensations as they impacted more specifically upon
political and administrative institutions and the quality of Civil Services in
general. Regretfully, this short and important history is characterized by
constitutional abrogation, dire ineptitude of civilian rule and a pathetic
degeneration of the bureaucracy. The politicization of the latter by its
masters has grievously disrupted its neutrality and competence, a vital
hallmark of good administration. These developments have led to daunting
challenges the nation faces today and have caused widespread dismay, clouding
the prospects of its future prosperity and progress.
2. I was born in
Lahore in ‘Al-Faiz’, the house of my maternal grandfather, on Lytton Road on 22nd May, 1928. The ancestors of my father Syed Nazir
Hussain had migrated from Bokhara in Central Asia and one of them, Syed Shah
Salim, a pious spiritual Syed, settled in a small village known as Kala Chechi
in Shakargarh tehsil in Sialkot district during the reign of Aurangzeb, the
Mughal Emperor. Our lineage goes back to Syed Shah Jamal, a Sufi saint, buried
in Lahore.
3. I could never
imagine the dreadful dimension of this animosity. The joy of freedom was marred
by this senseless carnage. This was the darkest period in the life of the
affected population in our history. Marauding gangs drawing blood with abandon
roamed fearlessly and the law enforcement agencies were totally helpless. Before
the time of independence and after, there was a stream of caravans of refugees
reaching Lahore from India on foot, some on bullock carts, ravished by deadly
assaults by their neighbours with whom they had lived for decades in harmony.
4. The standard of
coffee at the Coffee House was good and it was cheap. The visitors’ freedom was
unfettered to say what they wanted to on everything under the sun. There were
biting discussions, hilarious laughter and at the end of the day, a well earned
catharsis.
5. Lahore was at
peace with itself. There was tranquillity, the city not overburdened by a
population, freedom of movement undeterred from the fear of miscreants. There
were many educational institutions, schools and colleges; girls riding their
bicycles on the main thoroughfares were a common sight. Cycles had to be
equipped with lamps in front of the handles, tongas had to fix double lamps on
either side and bullock carts had to have lanterns hanging beneath in darkness.
If the lamp on the cycle were dysfunctional, the rider would dismount, walk
with the cycle before he could be eyed by a policeman.
6. I joined the
Civil Service Academy as a CSP under training officer in the defunct Resident
of the Punjab States Premises on the Mall Road, Lahore with its beautifully extended
lawns on 1st October 1952.
7. The historic
importance of the Frontier Province continued to attract eminent personalities
who were visiting Pakistan as state and official guests. A high powered Chinese
Delegation arrived in the later part of November 1955. At that time, after the
close down of the Governor House, Peshawar was not well equipped to host such
guests.
8. A radical
change had taken place in the power structure of Administration after the
promulgation of the Material Law of October 1958. The district administration
had gone under the control of the Army reducing the civil hierarchy to complete
subservience to the Martial Law office bearers
9. Sardar Bahadur
Khan (Elder Brother of Ayub Khan..Bloger)had a close friendship with Zafar-ul- Ahsan and wanted to know what could
be done to save him. I was a Junior Officer. I could only suggest that he could
talk to the President who was his brother if he felt so strongly about it.
Evidently, he did talk to the President, but when the list was out, it
contained the name of Zafar-ul-Ahsan. The removal of those top officers
certainly was a despotic act on the part of the President and smelt of some
lingering vendetta he had against them. The other clear message of that
deliberate act was to warn the senior bureaucracy to fall in line with the Martial
Law regime and refrain from becoming a stumbling block against it.
10. They were not
many. I remember Professor Munir Choudhry, Tofazzal Hossain Manik Miah and
Mahmud Ali. The first question that was asked sarcastically was: ‘Is Kashmir, a
disputed territory, dearer than East Pakistan to the leadership of West
Pakistan? Why was the sovereignty of the country subjected to such a risk?’ I
did not realize how strong the sentiment was on that account. East Pakistan had
no significant defence support against India and its intelligentsia felt that
for those seventeen days it had been left at the total mercy of India. The
other complaint was that none of the top leadership had taken the trouble to
visit East Pakistan.
11. A new
development took place in February 1968 when the President suddenly fell
seriously ill. He recovered by the end of the month but was not the same Ayub
Khan after the episode. The illness had exhausted him and he took quite a time
to regain his energy. He had skipped his monthly address to the Nation and when
I met him at his next address he was visibly weak. His gusto to ask questions
of what was happening in the country had visibly declined. His top associates
also felt the same but refrained from discussing it. The latter part of the
1968 witnessed a serious deterioration of peace and security directly
threatening his authority.
12. In East
Pakistan, the political situation was not very different. The Agartala
Conspiracy case involving Mujibur Rahman and some officers was considered by
the opposition to be a concocted one. Its trial had infuriated the opposition
and the house where Justice S. A. Rahman, who had been appointed as the
chairman of the tribunal, was living was put on fire.
13. The arrest of
Bhutto had further inflamed the sentiments of the people. Staff of some
government departments had come out on roads with slogans against Ayub Khan. A
procession on the Murree Road in Rawalpindi did not spare even the serving
Chief Secretary of West Pakistan, who was on his way to attend a meeting in
Islamabad. He was made to come out of his car and forced to raise a slogan
against Ayub Khan. It was apparent that the law and order machinery had
collapsed.
14. On the 28th of November 1969, I switched the television on
to know what General Yahya Khan had to say in his important address to the
Nation. It was a shock when he abruptly announced the abolition of One Unit and
the abrogation of the Constitutional Provision of parity between the two Wings
of Pakistan. These two principles had been assiduously worked out by the
leading lawmakers of both East and West Pakistan. Whatever the merits or
demerits of the Constitutional Provisions, a Martial Law dictator had no mandate
to abolish them. It was most painful to hear his speech.
15. while taking
tea I drew his(General Niazi) attention to a clandestine Bangladesh Radio
Station operating from Calcutta, pouring hate programmes and instigating the
Bengalis to rise against the army. He just brushed it aside and gave no
importance to it. That alarmed me and his frank talk confirmed my suspicion
that there was no sign of a let up in the army operation reducing the chances
of a political solution to the barest minimum. His chauvinistic temperament
very much matched that of the senior army brass headed by Yahya Khan.
16. The Chinese
delegation had arrived and the hosts were waiting to receive the President.
Yahya Khan arrived with an unsteady gait escorted by two prominent, very well
dressed ladies and was helped to the podium where the Chinese Ministers were
already seated. Yahya Khan was conspicuously under the influence of liquor and
we were very apprehensive whether he would be able to address the audience at
all. However, when invited to address, he was able to stand up, made some odd
remarks, thanked the Chinese guests and sat down. The function was very well
attended and the atmosphere in the hall was in total contrast to the tragic
happenings taking place in East Pakistan. The body language of the serving
brass of the Army present in the function did not give the least impression of
the imminent danger Pakistan was facing with the breakaway of East Pakistan.
17. Back in the
office of the Secretary Information, a puerile debate was in progress about the
nature of the news to be announced of that traumatic surrender. At the same
time, there was talk of the outline of a new constitution that was to be
announced by the President. It looked so absurd in view of what had already
taken place in Dhaka. How could the intensity of the debacle be hidden from the
citizens of Pakistan! Finally, couched in as innocuous a form as possible, the
news of the surrender and fall of Dhaka was announced on the electronic media.
On 17th December, Pakistan Government accepted the
ceasefire.
18. How could the
pain of the defeat be alleviated without arousing the anger of citizens against
Yahya Khan and his Army Junta? The reaction was swift and there were reports of
an uprising by an army unit of Kharian Cantt. against Yahya Khan. There were
also reports of an attack on the private residence of Yahya Khan in Peshawar.
The circumstances forced him to invite Bhutto who was abroad and who on
returning to Rawalpindi was made to takeover as the Martial Law Administrator
and the President of Pakistan. That was the unceremonious end of the Martial
Law regime which unfortunately presided over the breakup of the country.
19. Another
irritant for the Bengali population, a legacy from the past, was the absence of
their representation at the senior level of civil administration of East
Pakistan. The glaring absence was far more evident in the case of defence
services. In the case of the civil, the void had been filled up perforce by
posting non-Bengali officers, some of whom were quite unpopular and disliked
for their overbearing behaviour. The paucity of the officer cadre was
substantially overcome gradually as time passed and Bengali officers manned
their senior positions in their administrative set up. In the case of defence
services, it took them far longer to get some representation.
20. The 1965 War
with India had a disastrous impact on the psyche of the intelligentsia of East
Pakistan. Voices were heard loud and clear that the government was thoroughly
incapable of defending East Pakistan, literally left at the mercy of India
during the shocking experience of seventeen days of 65 War. There were
outbursts of anger that the disputed territory of Kashmir was considered more
precious than the interest of East Pakistan. One of their charges was that not
even one leader of East Pakistan was taken into confidence before embarking on
the ill-conceived adventure that led to the war. In the aftermath of the war,
the talk had started about the six points of Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League
leader.
21. General Yahya
Khan’s Martial Law that ended with the breakup of the country with ninety
thousand Pakistani troops taken as prisoners of war had seriously impaired the
image of the army. The cry for its non-intervention in future was loud and
clear. Bhutto had arrived almost as a deliverer with unquestioned authority,
endowed with both competence and vigour. He achieved the unique distinction of
giving the 1973 Constitution to the country and having succeeded in restoring
Pakistan’s image as a democratic country
22. What was most
upsetting was the rumour gaining currency that Akbar Bugti had a hand in the
murder of the Pakhtoon leader as he was alleged to have resisted the efforts of
Achakzai to settle Pakhtoon migrants in Quetta upsetting the demographic
balance to the disadvantage of the Baloch Population. It was a sinister rumour
that had serious law and order implications. The immediate question was whether
the governor should visit Gulistan, the hometown of Achakzai, about thirty
miles away from Quetta that very night for condolences. There was strong
opposition as some felt that the security of Bugti was at stake.
23. In the third week of December 1973,
I received Mustafa Khar, the Governor of Punjab, who was on a short visit to
meet Bugti. His visit was followed by Aslam Khattak, the Governor of NWFP, and
he too had a meeting with Bugti. Both the visitors never divulged their
mission. It soon transpired that Bugti had resigned and their visits to placate
him had failed. Only subsequent events unfolded the growing differences that
Bugti had developed with Bhutto which led him to take the decision. Akbar Bugti
was highly autocratic but decisive and full of courage.
24. The
Khan of Kalat Mir Ahmad Yar Khan(He was the same person who stayed with Quaid e azam after 14 august 1947 for 22 days at Karachi..Blogger) was appointed his successor as governor.
Bhutto talked to me on the phone on 4th January 1974 and said that with the
change of the governor he expected the administration to effectively face all
the challenges confronted by the volatile province, particularly the need to
maintain law and order. Khan of Kalat whom I had not met before wanted to have
a detailed briefing soon after I received him at the Quetta railway station. He
had been the Begler-Begli (Khan of Khans) as a despotic ruler of the Kalat
state and now had to adjust to his new office accepting its constitutional limitations,
with a cabinet intact under the chief minister, responsible for the running the
Government.
25. Soon after
coming into power, Ataullah Mengal’s government decided in great haste to
replace the non Baloch members of the bureaucracy with Baloch personnel to make
up for the latter’s deficiency in the services. It created a serious
anti-settler environment that led to a large-scale exodus of the settlers whose
families had migrated to Balochistan decades earlier from other parts of
Pakistan. Institutions such as education, health, local government, railways
and police suffered most and the province got denuded of trained personnel. The
charged atmosphere even led to armed attacks on the Punjab settlers in the Pat
feeder area of Temple Dera. As Governor, Akbar Bugti condemned this action and
reversed the policy. Frightened and dishearted, not all but quite a few of the
evacuated settlers returned to their jobs.
26. Hafeez Pirzada
was the first Minister of Information and Broadcasting appointed by Bhutto when
he assumed full powers as the President on 20th December 1971. He was rated one of the best
amongst the cabinet ministers. In his subsequent role as Minister of Inter
Provincial Affairs, he visited Balochistan on a few occasions to deal with
Balochistan issues that cropped up for resolution by the Federal Government. He
had an interest in wild feather bird shooting as a hobby. After busy days of
official work, he had an exciting shoot along with me in a rugged terrain in a
distantly removed area of the province. That evening on my return to Quetta,
Vaqar Ahmad, the Cabinet Secretary, rang up, and on his enquiry I confirmed
that we had been away on a day’s shoot. He reported that Prime Minister Bhutto,
who was in Canada on a state visit, had come to know about the shoot on a
working day and that I should inform Hafeez Pirzada about it. I replied that as
he was a minister, it was appropriate that he talked to him personally. (It shows how angry Bhutto was. ...Blogger)
27. Lt. General
Akbar as Corps Commander was very well conversant with the prevailing situation
in Balochistan. He agreed with me that as soon as the disturbance ended in
Marri area, those who surrendered should be treated generously as that was the
only course to achieve reconciliation and to prevent alienation of the Baloch
tribes. That policy was pursued faithfully which ushered an era of peace in the
area. About that time, he called me on the phone and came to see me in the
afternoon. He was depressed and said that he was resigning. He added that he
had been passed over by a junior Lt. General Zia-ul-Haq for the post of Chief
of the Army Staff. He added that the Defence Minister, General Tikka Khan, had
recommended him for the office on account of his seniority, but Bhutto had
decided otherwise. I tried to prevail on him not to take a hasty decision but
he had made up his mind. It was confirmed by the evening TV news. He resigned
and, after a few farewells, left Quetta to be succeeded by Lt. General Arbab.
28. Later, Bhutto
called me at the Residency where he was staying, dressed in his casual militia
shirt and shalwar. He was keen to know why General Zia-ul-Haq had come to Sibi
to receive him and who had invited him. Nobody had invited him from our side
and possibly he had come on his own to register his loyalty to the Prime
Minister and Army’s support for his Balochistan Policy. General Zia-ul-Haq had
the habit of greeting dignitaries by extending both hands for a handshake.
While greeting the Prime Minister he had showed extra courtesy by bowing which
had been noticed by those present at the helipad. This, too, was of no
significance for us but Bhutto said: ‘Why did Zia-ul-Haq stoop low to greet me?
He is the COAS and should behave like a full general.’
29. Bhutto’s
brilliance was generally acknowledged. There were no charges of corruption
against him. Above all he had succeeded in restoring Pakistan’s image as a
democratic country. The agitation could have ended if he had ordered
re-election. He possibly would have won and become prime minister for the
second term. His over reliance on General Zia-ul-Haq, who betrayed him, was
another reason for his exit.
30. The State and
Frontier Regions was kept out of it totally. It became a serious threat to the
maintenance of law and order in the country. The illicit sales taking place in
the tribal areas and Balochistan were in full knowledge of President
Zia-ul-Haq. The worst part of this was the neglect of the martial law
authorities to plug the source. This failure further resulted in the sale of
these weapons (Kalashnikov) in the settled districts of Pakistan. It was to
become later a great threat to the life and security of the people. That period
of turmoil in the tribal areas also witnessed an abundance of opium and setting
up of small scale illegal factories for the production of heroine. In a short
period, the incidence of its use in Pakistan went up dramatically and not much
was done to check this menace.
31. A few days
later, there was a function in the Presidency which I attended officially.
Zia-ul-Haq while receiving invitees was at his best, shaking hands warmly with
his usual smile on his face. When he saw me, standing next to the person who
had met him, the warmth disappeared suddenly, the smile turned into a serious
look and he said: ‘I know you have taken over as Secretary Information.’ That
was enough for me to make out how upset he was and the difficulties I foresaw
for myself.
32. On another
occasion, the President rang me at 12 o’clock midnight, his usual time to call,
and said cynically: ‘I think I am no longer the President of Pakistan in your
eyes?’ It was a very upsetting remark. I said: ‘Sir, what has happened?’ He
said that Siddiq Salik would brief me in the morning. The complaint was that TV
had deliberately cut out his activities and was instead giving time to the
Prime Minister who was on an extended tour of the Sindh province.
33. Unfortunately,
Zia-ul-Haq developed a complex that he was being deliberately ignored and
greater importance was being given to his handpicked Prime Minister. We were
well aware of his penchant for his personal publicity on the television
network. He had had an unfettered sway over the electronic media as the martial
law dictator and could never reconcile to anyone becoming his rival. On the
other hand, the Prime Minister was much more accommodating and except on one or
two occasions, he did not want it to become a controversial issue between him
and the President.
34. The venue of
the meeting was the old circuit house in Rawalpindi quite close to the
residence of the President. It took me a few minutes to be there. Zia-ul-Haq
was strolling in the veranda and I could see he was in a bad mood. He shook
hands and abruptly asked me: ‘Is the meeting over? Have you given anything in
writing to the press?’ I replied that I had verbally briefed the press
informing them that the meeting presided over by the Prime Minister had by
general consensus decided to support the Geneva meeting. He kept quiet but I
sensed he was boiling with rage. I soon left. My immediate feeling was either
Zia totally disapproved of the decision taken by that important meeting or he
could not tolerate being excluded from the deliberations as Afghan policy was
his exclusive preserve.
35. In
November 1987, I was on tour in Balochistan when the Prime Minister asked me to
return immediately to the capital. I went straight to his office where Kazi
Abid, the Information Minister, was already present. The Prime Minister handed
one of the three copies of an Urdu Journal (Siasi Log) lying on his table. (Ch Ghulam Hussain now an anchor at channel 24 was editor of Siasi Log..Blogger)I
hurriedly went through its main contents and was terribly dismayed at the
malicious attack on his person. It was all eulogy for Zia-ul-Haq and demanded
of him to sack the Prime Minister. The alleged writer was known to be one of
Zia-ul- Haq’s henchmen. Junejo as Prime Minister could not stomach the crude
attempt to defame him.
36. Reports started
circulating that the arsenal had exploded before a combatant team from the
United States was on a scheduled visit to check the record of weapons supplied
by USA for the Mujahedeen fighting in Afghanistan. Earlier, there was talk
about the illicit sale of some Stringer missiles. Accusations were heard that
the destruction of the dump was deliberate to cover up the alleged pilferage.
It was being guessed that a dozen Stringer missiles were destroyed and at least
ten army men and civilians in the camp had lost their lives. Responding to the
demand for an enquiry into this tragedy, Prime Minister Junejo set up a high
powered committee comprising of Aslam Khattak, the Senior Minister, Kazi Abdul
Majeed Abid, the Information Minister, and Rana Naeem Mahmood, the Deputy
Defence Minister. The Prime Minister further announced that he would report the
findings of the committee on 8th June 1988, when the National Assembly met for
its next session. He announced that nobody would be spared found responsible
for the trauma. Subsequently, there were unconfirmed reports that the Senior
Minister had confidentially leaked out the initial findings of the culpability
of two senior generals to Zia-ul-Haq, before the session of the National
Assembly in June. The findings of the committee never saw the light of the day.
37. It was a rude
shock, though not entirely unexpected. My first reaction was that we were back
to square one and how futile it was to expect an army dictator willingly
conceding executive powers to a civilian democrat. Zia could not tolerate even
limited freedom of action to his handpicked Prime Minister. There was
despondency all around. The first man to visit me after the news was Ehsanul
Haq, the Principal Information Officer of the Information Ministry. He was
terribly agitated and said: ‘It is horrible. Zia would be murdered soon by someone
for his despicable act. I advised him to control himself. Then followed Salim
Gilani and Agha Nasir, both morose and crestfallen. All three stated that
immediately after leaving the Prime Minister’s meeting which was still
continuing, they proceeded to the President House where some pressmen were
waiting for the President’s briefing. They were to accompany the President on
his foreign tour starting next day. General Rafaqat, the Chief of Staff, took
all three to a separate room and ordered them to announce the decision of the
dismissal of the cabinet on the electronic news network. They were forced to
comply as they had no other option. It was a pre-planned strategy of the
President. The three top officers of the ministry had worked with me with great
commitment in difficult times. I realized their predicament and advised them to
get in touch with the Presidents staff henceforth for further directions.
38. That was the
end of Zia era that stretched from 5th July 1977 to 17th August 1988. A period of eleven years and one
month exceeding Ayub Khan’s stay in power by eight months. Put together, the
two Army Generals ruled for 21 years and eight months. If the two years and 8
months of Yahya’s rule is added, then the army stayed in power for 24 years and
four months out of a total 41 years of Pakistan’s young life. How could have
anyone expected the democratic institutions taking roots under such
circumstances?
39. The
recurrence of martial law regimes had done incalculable damage to the growth of
democratic institutions. The neutrality and impartiality of the senior civil
servants had equally suffered. It had imposed an intolerable strain on their
rectitude.
40. The image of
the Civil Services in civil administration, police, revenue collection,
railways, semi-autonomous organizations was poor and bureaucracy had become a
pejorative word. The problems that the public faced at their hands were
corruption, arbitrary decision-making, perfunctory commitment and inefficiency.
All were serious charges that impaired the effectiveness of governance. These
ills had developed over a period of time. The bureaucracy had to accept the
blame but both the military and civil rulers that governed the country were
equally responsible for polluting their quality.
41.
Another
frightening factor is that 38 percent of our population comprises the youth
under the age of 15 years (Population Reference Bureau – 2014). The number is
approximately 64 million, close to the population of United Kingdom or France.
Already the pressure is intense on the available education and health
facilities. Jobs are non-existent and it is not certain if the absorptive
capacity of the country can still find gainful employment for youth. Exodus
from the rural areas has contributed to heavy concentration in the urban centres.
Conditions of housing have gone worse and there is a plethora of slums and,
Katchi Abadis. The size of major cities has almost doubled. We have seen with
our own eyes the growing pollution and the devastation of the physical
infrastructure.
42. The
phenomenal deterioration that has taken place in the performance of the public
services is a major problem facing the Nation today. As an integral part of the
executive, their malfunctioning has immensely contributed to the poor standard
of governance. It is ironic that after independence, having earned the credit
for sustaining a fledgling state against heavy odds, its graph of performance
has gone down so low.
43. During Ayub
Khan’s martial law, both politicians and civil servants came under serious
stress. Politics was completely marginalized and leading politician barred from
any political activity. Within one year of his rule, Ayub Khan dismissed a
dozen of the senior most civil servants from the former Indian Civil Service, (designated
later as the Civil Service of Pakistan) without due enquiry. Whether it was
their prestige of office that offended him or a personal ill-will that impelled
him to take such drastic action is difficult to say. But what was certain was
to cut the senior bureaucracy to size with a message to the rest to realize its
utter subservience to the army set up.
44. Zia as a
full-fledged dictator used the army to the hilt. His friendly posture towards
the senor civil officers betrayed his vindictiveness for those he did not like.
Loyalty to him became a cardinal criterion of selecting officers for the top
positions in the government. He did not carry out a one time purge, but had no
tolerance for any supposedly dissident civil servant. He was generous in
extending patronage to his favourites, seconded defence personnel to key
civilian organizations, and went to the extent of appointing top brass members
of the defence services as Chairmen of Federal and Provincial Public Service
Commissions who were hardly familiar with the ethos of the Civil Services.
After dismissing Mohammad Khan Junejo, his handpicked Prime Minister, he
removed the top civilian officials of doubtful loyalty to him. In order to
legitimize Bhutto’s removal, he set an ugly precedent by coercing members of
the Civil Services to give statements of his alleged misdeeds. Conformity to
his autocratic rule was thus fully ensured.
45. Pervez
Musharraf lost sight of or was incapable of comprehending the core problems of
the bureaucracy – corruption and malfunctioning. His objective to hasten the
devolution reforms, although sound in principle, should have been aimed at
strengthening the local government institutions until the nazims had acquired
appropriate maturity to take over complete control over the district
administration including that of the police. The reforms soon came into clash
with the political and administrative interests of the newly elected provincial
governments who declined to extend their ownership to the changes.
46. Democratic
government once again returned to power in 2008. Both the federal and
provincial governments were confronted with the chronic problems of law and
order, socioeconomic challenges and a poor standard of governance. There is no
evidence in the change of mindset regarding their dealings with the Civil
Services. Favouritism at the expense of merit continues to be the dominant
factor and whimsical decisions on their part are not uncommon. The concept of
tenure has lost its significance and unwarranted transfers are the order of the
day. The authorized offices responsible for the oversight of their subordinates
have been bypassed and the age-old requisite of the maintenance of discipline
has been ruined. Hardly any enthusiasm is left of a serving officer to
demonstrate his powers when on the slightest pretext he is changed and made an
officer on special duty (OSD) without a job. These factors have long been
overlooked that have continued to the crisis of implementation and the poor
performance of the services.
47. The
responsibility to undertake reforms under a constitutional set up is ultimately
with the political governance. It should take the bold step to restore the
neutrality of the Civil Service and desist from using them as its political
tool. This addiction is not likely to be given up easily but this is one of the
root causes of bureaucratic malaise responsible for the prevailing systemic
chaos. This affliction has hitherto failed to attract the support that this
vital reform deserves but without addressing it the other administrative
reforms would remain totally inconclusive.
48. The multitude
of mediocre students passing out of the colleges finds it increasingly
difficult to secure jobs, resultantly ending as a frustrated and disillusioned
community. Lack of any distinct screening for ascertaining academic aptitude
and a neglect of providing technical education at the school leaving stage has
aggravated these problems. The whole educational apparatus is in shambles and
the educational bureaucracy has much to account for this state of affairs.
49. The obvious
option, considering the past chequered history of governance is adherence and
commitment to constitutional rule. As the important role of the defence forces
as aid in support of the government in cases of emergency is well specified, it
is needless for them to engage in civilian problems that impact upon their
professional capabilities and supplant their combatant strength. The people of
Pakistan have a great affection for the army. At its various tiers of command,
it is well educated, highly professionally trained and aware of the challenges
that the Nation faces. Hardly anyone would doubt its spirit of patriotism. The
human stock is the same to which the defence personnel and civilians belong
serving the government all put together are loyal citizens. However, the civil
military divide, an outcome of the past martial law regimes, influenced a
segment of the defence personnel developing a disdain for their civilian
counterparts. This divide should not oust the huge amount of affection and
goodwill the people have for the armed forces. The obvious course for the armed
forces and civilian set ups is to stay within their respective callings under
the framework of the constitution.
50. The print and
electronic media are on a strong and solid ground to thwart any official
attempt to throttle their independence. Its courageous watchdog role over
governance functionaries and exposing their exploitative proclivities of
self-aggrandizement are a marked factor in its present stage of growth. It has
not shied away from any obstacle from its dogged support of public rights and
freedom.
