A case of Punjabi by Sara Kazmi ... Achievements, Gapes & misunderstandings

A case of Punjabi by Sara Kazmi 

Achievements, Gapes & misunderstandings

Case of Punjabi is not as simple as it usually understood. Sara Kazmi tried her best to present a case but it needs little attention too. Absence of Abdul Majid Bhatti's first Pakistani Punjabi novel Dhaeedaan and first Pakistani Punjabi poetry book Tranjan penned by famous Ahmad Rahi is not good. Both books published in early 1950s by People's Publishing House. Question of Punjab and Punjabi are interrelated. Acceptance of diversity in languages & cultures is the basic thing and in this respect various language promotion movements in Pakistan including much praised Bengali movement did not play well. In 2009 I visited Bangladesh and did interviews with many Bengali intellectuals. kamal Lohani told me that after independence we imposed One language policy in newly formed country and its worst victims were non-Bengali speaking people living in Chittagong Hill areas. It was a bad policy and till today they are fighting for their rights.Link of the Interview I did at Dhakka in April 7, 2008  If you have majority than it does not mean to impose majority on minorities. In either case acceptance of diversity remains vital .Even in united Pakistan jagto Front of Bengali parties demanded status of co-national language for Bengali. Instead of advocating linguistic diversity they just wanted a special status for Bengali. It was a bad policy but Jugto front failed to realized it in 1954. What bengalis did in 1972 in Bangladesh was continuation of old twisted policy. In-fact Dhaka followed Karachi in post independence era.
we have to deconstruct colonial language policy for once. There are many pending issues in this regard which needs a revisiting process. Even anti-imperialists or anti-colonialists had twisted policies regarding languages. What was the colonial linguistic policy? why they use religion for playing with scripts, dialects? The most important and fatal policy regarding languages was to link languages with religions. In many ways it helped in rise of communal-ism & extremism in our societies. These questions needs little attention. 
It is important to revisit 1920 resolution regarding twisted policy of Linguistic Provinces that paved a way to introduced false prides as well as misleading hopes/narratives among nationalists in many ways. After 1947 Bharat and Congress withdrew from it openly and speech of founder of constitution Amedkar is on the record regarding that retreat. In 1920 Congress promoted one language policy but after independence keeping in view of new preferences the emphasis shifted to linguistic homogeneity. (reference). Interestingly When NAP was formed in 1957 they adopted 1920 line which created problems in many ways. 
Twisted and misleading language policy penned in infamous Nehru report against Punjabi needs special attention? What Congress ministries did in 1937-9 regarding imposition of Hindi and impact of Hindi, Tamil language riots in Madras in 1938? is part of the problem yet we often missed it. Tamil Hindi controversy again raised in 1940s and 1950s in India. (Reference) . It is high time to deconstruct misleading Urdu Hindi controversy as well as politics associated with Hindi and Hindostani. Role of English is also very important to understand language debate in South Asia.
What first education minister said in the first education conference in November 1947 in favor of Pakistani Mother Tongues is important in many ways yet it remain out of discussion?
What communists did in Feb 1948? and their twisted policy created at 2nd Conference in Calcutta needs revision?  Why they created only West Pakistan Communist Party ? while East Pakistani Communists remained under Calcutta that provided a golden opportunity to anti-communist elements to play it against communists in Pakistan during formative years. On top of it CPI nakedly supported bad policy of Nehru regarding Kashmir in 1948 congress. CPP remained divided on that issue that proved fatal.
Creation of one language, one religion centralist policy through infamous Objective Resolution was continuation of colonial centralism and deviation from federalism. We have to revisit role of nationalist politicians and reluctant democrats too. In short many more questions are still unheard and in the absence of these answers we usually fail to develop a good alternative.
On top of it factionalism among language supporters always played a vital role. I remember late 1980s when I was associated with some friends and we had formed a progressive Punjabi group Punjab Lok Lhar. With the help of many seniors we finally gathered all factions and organized a rally at the mall, Lhore. During those efforts friends witnessed a tug of war among Punjabi groups. Even many of them were not in taking terms with each other. It was very difficult to gather them under one roof. Although they all have record of commitment and achievements regarding Punjabi but due to lobbyist tendencies they often failed to acknowledge each other contributions. The situation is not much different even today and we still have to learn the art to live with difference. Lobbyist tendencies proved fatal in many ways. it is high time to leave prides and prejudices. Such factionalism always plays vital role against the cause itself. it is need of the hour to create a space where all Punjabis can sit together in the larger interest of the Punjab and Punjabi. We still have not any personality or group of Punjabis who can gather all sections.It is important to create linkages among various mother tongue groups in order to develop a fresh narrative. It is important to deconstruct language politics started from 1920 resolution of Congress based on Linguistic provinces. It was the same policy adopted by the NAP in 1957 in Pakistan. it is essential to accept linguistic diversity not only at federal level but also at provincial as well as district level. A language commission at federal level under parliament may help us in minimizing differences regarding languages in general and people in particular.
Literature may play vital role but we need to expand case of Punjabi to people working in education, history etc. linking Punjabi with numerous sections may be an entry point for a vibrant movement. I tried to pinpoint some issues in Blue for more discussion and also sharing the link of original article here. It is part of discussion.  A fresh narrative for Punjabi is need of the hour.

Mind your language—The movement for the preservation of Punjabi

The atmosphere is pumped with adrenaline. As I approach the buzzing crowd, thedhol beats even more urgently against my eardrum, thump thump thump… only to come to an abrupt halt as the crackling of a loudspeaker rings through the air. Atop a decorated truck stands Afzal Saahir, popular Punjabi poet and television personality. He is not television personality but a popular radio anchor.

When Field Marshal Ayub Khan takes over power in a military coup in 1958, Bengali’s status as a national language is taken away. It is a wrong fact because in 1962 constitution of Ayub Khan Bengali remained there as co-national language. For reference click Here

Since the 1960s, people in southern Punjab have been complaining that their region was being kept underdeveloped for the benefit of the central and northern parts of the province. wrong fact, the main party that supported ethnic politics, rights for nationalities and languages was National Awami Party formed in 1957. Before this party CPP was an advocate of mother tongues. CPP was banned in 1954 and NAP was banned by Supreme court in 1975. None of the party ever demanded regarding Seraiki. In both parties there were many people from South Punjab. The issue of seriaki is a later entry.

Punjab has always maintained an overwhelming presence – much larger than its demographic share – in both the military and the bureaucracy. here instead of population the writer used the term demography but what she is saying is against facts. it is a fact that the Punjab had a trained army before annexation of 1849. Till 1929, out of total 158,200 army men 86000 were from the Punjab (click and see the reference). after 2nd WW their percentage raised up to 75%and so. But in bureaucracy, even in early years, Urdu speaking were larger then their percentage.  Even today Pukhtoons are larger in civil military institutions with respect to their population. 

With 148 of the 272 directly-elected National Assembly seats belonging to Punjab. The Punjab has 56% population in Pakistan and as par calculation it should have 152 seats. While FATA has less then 2.3 share in population but it has more then 4% share in National Assembly.  

Punjabi, in fact, has always remained outside the business of the state. The Mughals brought Persian to the subcontinent and it remained the language of the court from Babur to Aurangzeb and afterwards. In fact, even Ranjit Singh, who is celebrated by many Punjabi nationalists as the only Punjabi to have ruled Punjab, chose to retain Persian as the language of his darbar, issuing all royal proclamations and legal injunctions in it. Punjabi was never institutionalised as a language of statecraft; nor did it become a formal medium of education. It is always problematic to compare apples with oranges, monarchies with nation states. Use of languages as tool of state craft is a modern weapon used in nation states. Till annexation of subcontinent Persian was there as darbar language not only in Bengal, Sindh etc but also in numerous provinces of subcontinent. If we read History of Indigenous Education in the Punjab: Since Annexation and in 1882 we can easily understand status and power of Punjabi in Pre-annexation Punjab. There were six scripts including three commercial scripts of Punjabi and the language was used in schools too. Punjabi was also used in the darbar and in the book The real Ranjit Singh and many more books it is recorded. 

Farina Mir, a historian of colonial and postcolonial South Asia at the University of Michigan and the author of The Social Space of Language: Vernacular Culture in British Colonial Punjab, has explained in detail how the British Raj preferred vernacular languages for administration in every other province of India except in Punjab where it deemed Urdu as the appropriate language for administration. Punjabi, she says, was seen as a “crude version” of Hindustani, “a rural patois” unsuited to the needs of office. Others within the colonial administration cited its sacredness for the Sikhs, the ousted rulers of Punjab, claiming that adopting Punjabi would be “a political mistake” for the British.   
In many areas British Indian administration did not use mother tongue and Punjabi was not the only exception and for record check history of languages like Tamil, Kashmiri, Pashto, Brahvi and Balochi.   Bengali and Sindhi were made official languages by colonial rulers. In 1865 they imposed Urdu in the Punjab that had areas from Delhi to Peshawar. They imposed Urdu in Kashmir in 1872. The most important and fatal policy regarding languages was to link languages with religions. In many ways it helped in rise of communal-ism in our society. They imposed Punjabi in certain areas of Punjab for Sikhs and used Gurmukhi script. Purpose was to play with communal divide. In 1867 colonial masters imposed Hindi in Tamil populated Madras province. Just read 1931 census, British Indian administration divided only two languages in different sections and called it northern , southern etc and those two languages were Hindi and Punjabi. It was a further trick to divide those languages...divide and rule was their favorite policy.
In Pakistan, Urdu was not just the language of governance. It also became proof of Muslim-ness, an emblem of national identity and a mark of patriotism. But Urdu remained subservient to English that was language of old colonial masters 
Hafeez Jalandhari read Punjabi poems at rallies pushing for the language’s official recognition. Feroze Khan Noon chaired meetings to establish a fund for promoting Punjabi. Hameed Nizami, editor of daily Nawa-i-Waqt, used his newspaper for voicing the same demand. In 1951, he wrote an article in Punjabi which called for introducing the language in the education system. Supporting Punjabi language and culture and use it as a tool in power politics is another thing and supporting it as a basic right is another thing. 
The Punjabi Majlis and the Punjabi Writers Guild, two major literary organisations of the time, were banned as a result, in 1959 and in 1963, respectively. needs reference

“We cannot analyse the Punjabi movement the same way we analyse other ethno-nationalist and linguistic movements. The Punjabi language activists are not separatists or nationalists. As the ruling majority [in Pakistan], Punjab stands to lose far too much by raising anti-Pakistan slogans,” he explains. It is not correct. There were/are many Pashto, sindhi, Balochi and Brahvi writers who were/are neither separatist nor against the State. if we strictly check literary record penned in different mother tongues in 1960s or 1970s etc we can easily deconstruct that claim. It is true that Pukhtoon, Sindhi and Balochi nationalists used language issue but when they got power in 1972 they did not replace Urdu except Sindhis. But handling of Sindhi Urdu controversy proved a wrong step by Mumtaz Bhutto that divided Sindh more. It was against acceptance of diversity at provincial level. it is proved that Mumtaz Bhutto was even against Bhutto and with such efforts nationalists embarrassed the first democratic government
“Punjabi is the language of resistance because it has always remained outside power. Why convert it into a tool of the state, to replace Urdu as the language of oppression?” he asked provocatively in one editorial note. So he want to remain in resistance mode for ever. It looks more problematic. In this way there is no demand to replace Urdu.